Libels Part 2. Oxford contra Charles Arundel (Three Interrogatories and Depositions)



A day or two after Christmas 1580, perhaps on 27 December, Charles Arundel was arrested, then interrogated by members of the Privy Council (4.1.1). Subsequently, beginning in January 1581, he was required to answer at least three formal interrogatories (similar interrogatories were put to Henry Howard, and doubtless to Francis Southwell also). Although some of the accusations against Arundel came from other sources, his principal accuser was Oxford.

The "First" Interrogatory (2.1.4) is based on accusations made by Oxford (see Pollen, 1919, pp. 30-1; 3.3; 4.3; 6.8), and on accusations and interrogatories submitted by Thomas Norton (2.1.1-3). Still other charges may have come from a third (unknown) source. Arundel's formal answers are recorded in 2.1.5.



2.1.1 Thomas Norton to Walsingham (or Hatton?), 30 December 1580. It is clear from 2.1.3 that the target of Norton's suspicions is Henry Howard, although Norton does not name him.

BL Add. 15891, ff. 79-9v (Nicolas, pp. 161-2)

Maie it please your honor, without all displeasant humor, and spetially withoute the base dispotione [=disposition], to afflicte the afflicted,(1) butt only of trewe zeale to her maiesties service, I am bould to informe you yat longe synce, I haue seen a booke written in frenche, intituled, le innocence de la tresillustre Royne &c,(2) In the ende wherof, is a treati<s>e towching the cause, of the Duke of Norfolke, written to the defamatione of her maiestie, and of his Peers, and of some spetiall persones of her highnes Counsell: This booke is there pretended to bee written in ffrenche by a stranger [-and] to England, and not by an(3) Englisheman: for speeking of England hee saieth, vostre pais, & vostre Roigne | and suche like: and yet in trewth it is written by an Englisshe man, as by Robyn Goodfellowe, and Goodman Gose,(4) and an(5) overslypped [=omitted] title,(6) and otherwise, as I am able to prove. The whole course is very seditious, and defamatorie to her maiestie, her Counsell, and nobilite / He chargeth the Counsell with treason, and her maiestie with abandoning her self, to be abused, to the disturbinge of Christendome, to the maynetenaunce of Rebells, to the robbyng of Princes, It may bee: that your honor, will thincke it good to inquyre the auctor and nott vnfitte to examyn the gentleman, nowe in restraynt:(7) The booke is not only an Englishemans, butt also originally written in Englishe and translated in to ffrenche: Mr Doctor Hamond,(8) is well acquaynted with his stile, yf it please you to vnderstande his opinione of it. Your honor may also send for Mr Dalton,(9) and aske hym [whether] whether the same partie, haue not vsed at Mrs Arundells,(10) to mayntayne open disputationes in defence of Papistrie, and chalenged Mr Dalton and others in that case, vppon w[a]agers. There goeth ^also¬ vnderhande abroade an Englishe treatise wrytten,(11) where in her maiesties auncestresse is tearmed base in contempt, the Quene is threatened with Rebellion of Nobilite, some greate persones ar charged; that vnder her maiesties favour, they haue, as it weere tirannized(12) over the people. yf the booke be his, it ys nott good: Out of these bookes, greate matters of charge maye be gathered to the Auctor. It were pittie, he should be vntrewly burthened with them, butt greatter pittie, that hee or any should carry suche thinges cleerly: And so I leaue to trouble your honor any longer. At London the xxxth of December 1580.

Your honors humbly

Thomas Norton



2.1.2 Thomas Norton to Walsingham, 10 January 1581: brief cover letter to accompany Norton's proposed interrogatories (2.1.3). A synopsis of the omitted portion is given in CSPD(2), p. 1.

PRO SP12/147[/4] f. 5 (single sheet from bifolium with next, 302mm x 195mm)

It may please your Honor I haue sent you the Interrogatories I humbly thank you for the other contentes of your letter. and for the answer therof, I will confere with those whome you haue apointed.

... At London this xth of Ianuarie 1580

Your honors humble

(signed) Thomas Norton

Addressed: To the right honorable Sir ffrancis Walsingham knight, principall Secretarie to the Queens most excellent maiestie [seal]

Endorsed: 10 Ianuary 1580. From Mr Thomas Norton The articles ministred to the Lord Henry Howard



2.1.3 Interrogatories proposed by Thomas Norton (an enclosure with 2.1.2), with an annotation possibly in Oxford's hand (see note 17). Reference to "the late duke your brother" in article 1 shows that the interrogatories were intended in the first instance for Henry Howard (confirming that the gentleman "nowe in restraynt" mentioned in 2.1.1 is also Howard). Whatever Norton's intention, several of these articles were put to Charles Arundel as well (see 2.1.4, headnote).

PRO SP12/147[/4] f. 6 (single sheet from bifolium with previous, 302mm x 195mm, repaired)

1. Haue yow not seen a treatise(13) published in English touching the doinges and trobles of the late duke your brother beginning in these wordes, Goodmen and euell et cetera. And whether yow haue noted the same treatise to beare ij lettres R. G. as for the authors name in the title.

2 Haue yow seen any boke written for answer against the sayd treatise in defense of the innocencie of the Scottish Queen and of your sayd brother.(14) and how many sortes of such bokes haue yow seen, either in English, french, or other language, and how do they beginne or what title beare they.(15)

3. Were the same bokes of answer or any of them written originally in ffrench, or in English and translated into ffrench.

4. Whoe was the author of euerie of the sayd bokes, and whoe the translater, and were not your self the author of them,(16) and whoe gaue you any aduise or instruction, and whoe haue you made privie[?] ^therof¬

5. If you were not the author, what conference had yow with the author therof or ^with¬ any other touching them before or after the wryting of them, and what instructions gaue you or any other to your knowlege for the wryting therof

6 Haue yow not vsed at common tables and other publike places and assemblies(17) to make chalenges and to mainteine disputacions in defense of certaine articles of papistrie, adgainst [=against] the doctrine published by her maiesties autorite, and where and with whome haue yow so done.

7 Haue you seen the bull of Pius v(18) for excommunicating the Queen and for deposing her, and assoyling her subiectes from ther allegeance. Or if you haue not seen it, haue yow so heard of it that you beleue that there is such a bull.

8. Haue yow knowen or heard that in the same bull is conteyned to this effect, that such as from thensefourth continue to yeld obedience to the Queen [vs] shold stand likewise accursed [=excommunicated].

9. Haue yow knowen or heard that the same bull is reuoked or [rema] or adnulled, or remaineth in force, or is in any point qualified or despensed for atime [=a time] or for euer, either touching her self or her subiectes, and specially to dispense with the subiectes that they may obey the Queen without accursing

10 Do yow know Gregorie Martine,(19) where is he now, as yow haue knowen or heard. ffor what cause did he depart the realme. and what conference had yow with him before his departure. And what warrant had he from yow or any other to treate moue(20) or conclude anything there for yow or any other. |

11 What do you take to be the cause that the sayd Martine hath wished yow to be where he is,(21) and to say that if [y] he were in your [caus] case, he wold be there. And what lettres or messages haue passed betwene you and him /.



2.1.4 Formal interrogatories put to Charles Arundel, probably within a day or two after 10 January 1581. Articles 10-15 and 18-20 are drawn from Norton's articles 1-5 (see 2.1.3), while articles 16-17 are drawn from Norton's article 6.

PRO SP12/151[/47], ff. 105-6 (originally bifolium, 308mm x 205mm; undated)

Imprimis what conference was had betwene you the Lord Harry francis Southwell and in what sort did you combine in consent for the answeringe of such accusations as you supposid shuld be layed against you(22)

2 Item whether have you bin reconciled to the churche of Rome and at what time and place and who were reconcileid with you and howe many others do you kno so reconcileid

3 Item howe often have you hard mase [=mass] and bin confessid within thes v yeres last past and in whose howse and in what companye

4 Item what intelligence have you had in Ireland with any of the nobilytie ienteillmen or others of that cuntrye, what letters have you writen thither or receavid thense, what confereince have you had with any of that cuntrye, here in the realme or with any other of this realme toucheinge causees of Ireland

5 Item what conference have you had with certayn obstinate and dysobedient persons of cornewall and wales

6 Item who they were that did geve Monsieur de simiers secret intelligence of the Quenes dealinges and whether you kno not when that by makeinge a marke on a stone in lightes garden(23) did geve knoledge for the sayd simiers that he had advertisment to geve him of importance and therfore he shuld by that marke kno howe to kepe atyme [=a time] and howre of meteinge

7 Item who it was that told Monsieur de simiers that he should have a stabb with a dagger and likewise who it was that vppon this cause wold have borrowid a privie dubblet of the Earl of Oxford(24)

8 Item who they were that vsid to take her Maiesties letters and other private advertismentes oute of her pocket when her Maiestie was gone to bed.(25) then who had the pervsinge of the same and howe often you have bin at the sight and hearinge of suche letters and advertismentes and in what presence and companye

9 Item whether do you kno of eny offer made to the Earl of Oxford from Monsieur(26) that yf he wold forsake the realme and live in frawnce Monsieur with the helpe of the Kinge his brother wold better howse him and furnishe him with better abilytie and revennewe the [=than] ever he had in Ingeland, and whether vppon this offer was there any Iuell [=jewel] or other thinge geven the sayd Earell(27)

10 Item whether did you ever rede a boke(28) writen in frenche entitulid de l'innocence de la tresillustris royne de escosse

11 Item whether you have not red a boke or treatice(29) touchinge the cause of the Duke of norfolke

12 Item whether the same treatye [=treatise] be not writen to the defamacion of her Maiestie and of the peeres and of some speciall persons of her Maiesties cownesell

13 Item whether you kno by whome the sayd boke was writen an<d> whether he were not an Ingelishe man or not that wrate it

14 Item whether you kno eny man that was consentinge ether to the writeinge or devysinge of the same boke

15 Item whether you do kno, yf the sayd boke were originall<ie> writen in Ingelishe and afterward translateid in to frenche

16 Item whether you have not maynetaynid open dispautacions or no at Mrs Arundells(30) in defence of papistrie

17 Item whether you have not challengid at any time one Mr dowlton(31) a lawyer in suche like casees vppon wageers

18 Item whether you have not sene or pervsid at any time a nother Ingelishe treatice(32) wherin her Maiesties awnecesters are termid as basterd or base in contempte

19 Item whether in any treatise you do not remember that her Maiestie is threatnid with the rebellion of her nobilitie

20 Item whether you do not remember that in the sayd treatise some great persons are chargeid to tirranyze over the people vnder her highenes favoure

21 Item whether dothe any Iesuite say mas [=mass] for any man before reconcilement to the churche, and whether did not stevans and other so declare vnto you before they wold suffer [any] you¬ to here there mas.(33)

22 Whether have you at any time spokeen or hard it spokeen that for the great mislyke the people have of this religion Wales and Ireland wold revolt

23 What dealinges have you had with Thomas Somersett(34) and Charles Page<t>(35) or ether of them, and with whome of her Maiesties have they intelligence and to what end.

24 What prophesies have you latelie¬ sene or hard whiche might concerne the contemp, reproche and overthrowe of owre most gracious soverange whome owr Lord God blesse forever.(36) |

25 What papers and priteinges [=printings] did you and the Lord Henrie burn<e> to gether. what did you at sir thomas Kitsons(37) and whethe<r> did you here any masse ther and whether did you burne any writeinges ther or what did you at the Lord dacre<s> house(38) and lastlie what in yowr one [=own] lodgeinge or the Lord Harrys did you burne or other wise convaye.

26 At what places in London be those Iesuites entertayned wher be they lodgeid howe many kno you of them and what be ther names what parsons [=persons] haunte to them



2.1.5 Charles Arundel's depositions in reply to interrogatories 2.1.4 (which should be consulted to clarify any obscure details). Articles 6-9 and 16-17 are lightly cancelled.

PRO SP12/151[/48], ff. 107-8 (bifolium, 318mm x 205mm; undated)

Ihesus(39)

To the first, thus I answere, that other conference had we none then of the Earell of oxford strange dealinge with my selfe over night(40) whervppon I thought it good, and also advisid that we shuld deny owre beinge at masse with stevans.(41) sithe of the first mas, no man knewe but the Earl and my selfe, and of the other at sowthweles chamber(42) he was not present and seinge I fownd by his one [=own] discoverie, that he had most impudentlie ^belied¬ and falselie accusid bothe my selfe and ^others¬ in matters of greater weight I thought it not necessarie to geve him so much creditt as to graunt him so muche. this beinge onse¬ agreid on was the some [=sum] of owre whole speche.

To the second, nether was I ever reconcileid or do I know<e> eny that is, the Earl of Oxford onelie exceptid, who told me he was, when he wold have corrputid me with the proffer of one thowsan powndes to accuse others.(43)

To the third I say that for this five yere past I was never at confession. at mas have I bene fower or five times, in too placees onelie at the Earell of sowth[e]hampton, here in towne(44) and ^at¬ Mr Richard(45) sowthweles

To the fowrthe I never had intelligence nor any other dealinge with noble man, Ientillman, or any other of Ireland, nether have I writen or receavid thense any letters, save from my Lord of Ormond in causes of frinshipp and one from Rawlie.(46)

To the fift, as I never conferd, so do I not knowe eny suche parsons [=persons] ether of wales or cornewall.

[To the sixt, I protest before God I was never acquaynetid with any man, that gave Monsieur simiers intelligence of her Maiesties dealinge, nor with any suche marke in lightes garden. onelie I sawe as I conceaveid Simiers take vpp a paper which he red longe of, but whether, it fell owte of his hand or whether he fownd it ther I do not knoe, but not longe after, du burge(47) tolde me, that [he] ^Simiers¬ had advertysment that he should have a stabbe with a dagger gewen [=given], him yf he lokete not well to it.]

[To the seventh it is most trewe I never hard by whome or whose procurement, it shuld have bin don nor where he lernt it but herevppon he(48) sent to me to borrowe him a privie dubblett] |

[To the eight(49). I take God to wittnese / I never knewe or hard of eny letter or other private advertisment takeen owte of her Maiesties pockett therfore <fa>r from sight of eny suche thinge.]

[To the nynthe / I hard Raw<li>e say that the Earl of Oxford, tolde him that Monsieur wold geve <h>im ten thowesan crownes a yere when ever he list to come in to frawnce, other knoledge have I none but that Rawlie told it me and what my answer was Rawlie can testefie, so farr of [=off] was I then, and am nowe from beleveinge it. for the Iuell [=jewel] it was sent him as I remember after Monsieurs departure.](50)

To the tenth. I never sawe eny suche boke.

To the eleventh I can not deny but I have sene a booke,(51) towchinge the cause of the Duke of Norfolke, and further I do confesse that a six yere past(52) I gave it the Earell of Oxford beinge very importunate and often in hand with me for to gett it him, and the reason that made him so desirous of it I have declarid and will avow on my othe ^and maintayne with my sworde¬ as to the rest.

To the twelthe. I do not remember any word or sentence writen [+to] the defamacion of her Maiestie, but against some speciall parsons [=persons] in authoritie most spitefull whiche made the Earl of Oxford so fond of it

To the thirtene. I never knew wher or by whome it was writeen.

To the fowretene. I kno not of any man that was consentinge or devisinge.

To the fiftene. whether it were originallie writen in ingelishe or after translateid in to frenche I knowe not but shawe of whome I had it told me he thought it to be one hides doinge that is beyond the seas.(53)

[To the sixtene / I never maynetayned disputacion or defendid controversie in religion at Mrs Arnedelles]

To the seventene. Mr Dawlten is the man I kno(54) not and therfore I never challengeid him in suche like casees vppon wageers.

To the eyghten I answer I never sawe eny other ingelishe treatize then that I have confessid, nor eny other boke in eny other tonge, wherin her Maiesties Ancestors are termid as basterdes. |

To the ninetene, I do not remember, in the treatize I sawe that her Maiestie is ^threatenid¬ or the rebellion of her nobilitie. the time is longe since, and what ^was¬ contayned therin I have clene forgotten.

To the twentie. I make the like answere.

To the twentie and one as it is most trewe I never sawe Iesuitt so do I not kno whether they say mas before reconcilement.(55) [as] and¬ as for stevans he never declarid any suche thinge or made eny suche exception to me. and to prove the contrarie, the first time that ever I sawe [+him] I came to his lodgeinge in holburne and fownd him goinge to mas.

To the twentie and too. nether hathe it past my mowthe nor did I ever here it spokeen, that ether wales or Ireland for the mislike that the people had of this religion wold revolte.

To the twentie and thre. Mr somersett I never ^spake¬ withall and for Mr Pageot I had never dealinge with him but onse and that was towchinge the cause of my Ladye of southhampto<n>(56) in his company have I bin but verie seledome.

To the twentie and fowre. as I never sawe eny prophesie writen, so can I not deny but that I hard of [one] a rime¬, by one Edeward Heywod(57) a yere and a halfe since, at whiche time I told it the Earl of Oxford walkeinge in the garden at Grenwidg<e> alone with him ^vppon what occasion him selfe knoes & will remember his Lordship when time serves(58) and¬ never thinkeinge to have hard more of it but a little after her Maiesties comminge last to this towne,(59) beinge with him private in his chamber, he put me in mynd of suche a thinge I told him, and desirid me to repeat the wordes. whiche after some studye, callinge them to my remembrance, havinge almost forgotten them, and least mistrustinge wherabowte he went. with his helpe, rehearste them to him, and as God knowes bothe his intent, and myne, so I beseche him in his iustice to reward vs.

To the five twentie. my Lord harrie to my knoledge burnt none. my selfe in my none [=my own] lodgeinge burnt fowre wemens letters(60) which towcheid no matter of state other errant [=errand] had we none at sir thomas Kitsons then to dine, and I some busines with sir Thomas cornewallis. in my life I never hard mas ther.(61) after dinner my Lord harrye and I returnid to his lodgeinge at dakeer [=Dacre] howse, wher I left him and went to the corte |

To the sixe and twentye. as I ^am¬ not(62) acquaynetance [=acquainted] with any Iesuitt, so kno I not eny man that succors or hawntes ther company nor in what placees of this towne they be entertayned.





The "Second" Interrogatory is based entirely on two sheets of accusations written in Oxford's own hand (2.2.1-2), the second of which is endorsed 18 January. No formal interrogatories survive similar to 2.1.4, but obvious errors in 2.2.3 (Fleet Street for Fish Street in article 1; a garbled question behind article 19) suggest that an amanuensis rewrote Oxford's questions as a prelude to Arundel's interrogation.



2.2.1 This is the first of two sheets of accusations in Oxford's hand, each of which begins neatly and systematically, but ends up with writing spilling over onto the side and top margins. Numbers in square brackets have been supplied as a key to 2.2.3.

PRO SP12/151[/42], ff. 96-6v (single sheet originally bifolium with next, 280mm x 205mm; undated, but see next)

[1] Item to be demanded of Charles Arundell, and Henry Howard

what combination,(63) for that is ther terme, was made at certeine suppers, on [=one] in fishstreat as I take it an other at my Lord of Northumberlands.(64) for they haue often spoken hearof and glanced in ther speaches.

[2] further for Henry Howard

Yf he never ^spake or¬ hard thes speaches spoken that the kinge of Scots began now to put on spures on his heales, and so sone as the matter of Monsieur wear assured to be at an end, that then wythe in six monthes we showld se the Queens Magestie to be the most trobled and discontented parson [=person] liuinge.

[3] further the same

Hathe sayd the Duc of Guise who was a rare and gallant gentelman showld be the man to come into Scotland, who wowld briche [=breech, whip] her Magestie for all her wantonnes. and it wear good to [letther] let her take her humor for a while for she had not longe to play.

[4] Item to Charles Arundell

a littell before Christmas at my loginge [=lodging] in westmester [=Westminster] swift(65) beinge present and George Gyfford talkinge of the order of liuinge by mony and dyfference betwien that and revenu by land, he sayd at the last if George Gyfford could make(66) thre thousand pound he wowld set him in to a course whear he ned not care for all England and theare he showld liue more to his content and wythe more [contentation] reputatione¬ then ever he dyd or myght hope for in England and they wowld make all the cowrt [-hear] wonder to heare of them. [When] Wythe diuers other braue and glorious speches whearat George Gyfford replyd gods blud Chares [=Charles] whear is this. he answerd yf yow haue thre thousand pound or can make it he could tell the other saying as he thought he could find the means to make thre thousand pound. that speache finished withe the cominge in of supper [whear Charles the say Charles] |

[5] Item

Whither [=Whether] Charles Arundell dyd not steale ouer into Irland withein thes fiue yeres, wytheought [=without] leaue of her Magestie and whether that yeare(67) he was not reconciled or not to the churche lekwise, or how long after.

[6] Item

When he was in Cornwale at Sir Ihon Arundels what Ihesuit or Ihesuits he met thear and what compagnie he caried withe him of gentelmen.

[7] Item

Not longe before this sayd Christmas entringe into the speache of Monsieur, he passed into great tearmes against him, in so muche he sayd thear was nether personage religion, witt or constancie, and that for his part he had longe since giuen over that course and taken an other way. which was to Spaine, for he never had opinion therof since my lord chamberlan(68) playd the cokescome, so he termd my lord at that time as when he had his enymy(69) so lowe as he myght [tread him] haue troden him [vn] quight vnderfotte, [8] that then he wowld of his owne obstinacie(70) followinge no mans aduise but his owne, whiche he sayd was his fault, bringe all thinges to an equalitie whearin he was greatly abused in his owne conceit and so discoraged Semier as never after he had mind to spaine any lenger [=longer] reputinge the whole cause then to be ouerthrowne. [9] And further for Monsieur a man now well inought [=enough] knowen vnto him and he wowld be no more abusd in him, and it was for nothinge that Semiers saud [=saved] himself, for he knew his vnconstancy, and Busse d'Ambois(71) had ben a sufficient warninge vnto him, whom Monsieurs trecherie had cause<d> to be slaine, and wowld by practise bringe Semier into the slander therof that his vilanie myght not [have] be found but it was plaine Inought [=enough]. [10] and he had made an end and quight done withe the cause and leket [=liked] of it no more, and so withe a great prais<ing>

(sideways)

of the Kinges [sic] of Spaines greatnes, piete, welthe, and how god <p>rosperd him thearfore in all his actions, not doughtinge but to se him Monarch of all the <wo>rld and all showld come to on [=one] faythe he made an end and thus muche consideringe his practise <w>ithe Gerningham,(72) and the

(upside-down, top of page)

other articles whearwithe he is charged import a further knowlege and giues sume lyght to his dealinges wythe thes persones of religion and Irishe causes whearin the kinge of Spayn semes vnderhand to deale.



2.2.2 Second of two sheets in Oxford's hand (see headnote to 2.2.1), endorsed 18 January 158<1>. CSPD(4), p. 84, assigns this document in error to 1583.

PRO SP15/28[/2], f. 3 (single sheet originally bifolium with previous, 280mm x 205mm, heavily repaired)

Item to my Lord Henry

[11] How he cam to the inteligence, that ther showld come imbassadoures of france Spaine and others whiche showld assist the kinge of Scots imbassadoure in the demand of his mother,(73) and this showld be determined among them on the other sid [=side, i.e., abroad] as he sayd and shall shortly com to pas

Lekwise bothe Charles and Henry

[12] Lekwise(74) they haue bene great serchers in her Magesties welthe, hauinge intelligences ought [=out] of all her receyts, [13] from her Magesties courtes in laue [=law], customes as well of them that goo ought as are brought in, what subsides priui seales and fiftenes(75) she hathe made since her cominge to the croune, [14] what helpes, as they say [for] by the gatheringes made[s] as for the buildinge of paules steple,(76) the loteries,(77) and other deuises from the clergie and what forfits by attainder or other wise, and what pensions, when(78) other ought [=either out] of bishops liuinges to sume of her counselers what giftes she hat [=hath] bestoued, what charges she was at in her houshould reperations of her houses and castels fees and a number of thinges whiche now I cannot call to remembrance whearof they ordinaryly wowld speake and of her Nauie the charge she was a<t> what the wares of Lethe Newhauen(79) and other peti iornyes(80) in Irland and Scotland and in the time of the rebellion [he] whiche ar to [=too] longe(81) as well(82) what she receiued as what she spended [=spent, expended] in all offices places [and s] <&c>.

lekwise to the sayd Charles

[To what vse he imploid his seruant Pike to la mote who sent into spaine and another]

(sideways)

[15] Item for what cause he sent Pike to la mote,(83) and who he was [+who] went into Spaine and whether Pike went or no, but he assuredly [returned] remayned the others returne [16] whoo caried letters from la mote and brought bake againe letters from the kinge and recompence whearvpon Pike returned withe answer to Charles Arundell. [17] who help[+ed] the man as I hard [=heard] to a mariage and whether the fellow brought his master sume assurance and reward from the kinge to his Master I know not but ever since he liues of himself and giues no more attendance to color as I coniectur the cause better,(84) and the course

(upside down in top margin)

as I ges [=guess] and haue great reason to coniectur put in to [more] sum others hands, a thinge whiche yf it be well loked into, cannot be void of great and sume notable practise yf it will pleas her Magestie but to loke in to [+the] zelous mind whiche the sayd Charles hathe since caried more then couertly to the masse. | Lekwise bothe Charles Arundell and Henry Howard are priuie as often times they haue declared by theare speaches thes last yeares past for 4 or 5.

[18] what increas hathe bene made of soules to theare churche in euery sheare [=shire, county] throught [=through] the realme

[19] who be of theares, and whoo be not who be assured and who be inclined for this difference they make betwien them that are reconciled, and suche as ar affected to thear opinion and are to be brought in. and in every shere throught the realme whear they be stronge and wheare they be weake, and this is knowen by certeyne secret gatheringes(85) for the relefe of them beyond the seas:(86) whear in therbe notes of very houshowlds.(87)

Endorsed: 18 Ianuary 158<.> Notes deliuerd by the Earl of Oxeford



2.2.3 Charles Arundel's depositions in answer to 2.2.1-2 (which should be consulted to clarify any obscure details; see headnote to 2.2.1).

PRO SP12/151[/43], ff. 95-5v, 97-7v (bifolium, 320mm x 205mm; undated)

To the first thus I answer, that I was never at supper in flete strete,(88) or at the Earell of northumberlandes wher any combination hath bin made to any ill purpose. and of this interragotorie I vnderstand not the meanynge.

To the second. as I never vtterid, so never hard I of any such(89) speeche. that the Kinge of scotes [that the Kinge of] began nowe¬ to put on spurres on his heles or that the matter of Monsieurs beinge once endid we shuld shortlie after se her Maiestie a most troblid and discontentid person this is as [farr from] very a truthe as he is of honestie that so reportes of me.

To the third. I do protest that I never vsid any spechees of the Duke of Guyse commynge vnto scotland: it is a shamles lye, and most malicouslye devisid, and [so fare am I] as I am far¬ from speakeinge of any [suche] suche¬ thinge, so am [+I] from hearinge of eny speche conteyned in this interrogatorie

To the fowrthe I saye that I remember well¬ beinge at the Earl of Oxfords lodgeinge in Westminster we fell in talke, of travell and travellers¬ how a Ientill man that wold travell¬ myght live and after what [rate] sorte¬ that had three thowsan powndes in his purse and my opinion was, that beinge but a private man no man leveid [=lived] more gallantlie in the cort, and for this matter I referre my spechees to report of Mr Gifford and Mr swifte(90)

To the fift, it is as trew that I stale over into Ireland within this five yere as it is trew I was reconcileid the same yers to the church of rome¬ and yf my accuser can prove the first I will confesse [+the] latter to do him a pleasure.

To the sixt. I say that at my beinge in cornewall I sawe iust [=just] as meny Iesuites as I have sene snowe, and that was never any¬ other company [of] [I] went¬ I not in then with my brother,(91) a yorney of pleasure and not of practice, to see our sister(92) and <d>eerist Kinsemen.(93)

To the seventhe. I shall not nede to vse many wordes to disavow this, these spechees have bin to [=too] ordenarie in the Earl of Oxford mouthe, as my Lord harrye[,] southewell and as many as hathe accompanid him can wittnesse

LM: nether praseinge religion witt or constancie

To the eyght,(94) thus I answer that the verye same night¬ I spake last with him,(95) I [tolde him that yf he persistid in that dishoniste] put him in mynd of these verye wordes¬ wherof he nowe accusithe me touchinge appon my Lord chamberlains(96) a<n>s<w>er[?]¬ and told him that yf he persisted in his wicked purpose I wold lay open all his trecherye. and nowe most shamefullie hathe he turned them on me. but those that best knoees bothe him and me will acquit [+me] and charge [+him].

LM: another waye to

spayn how my Lord

Chamberlain pleyed the Coxcomb

he discourged simier when

<he> had his enemies

<to> tred <...> on them |

To the ninthe. I never vsid vnreverent speche of Monsieur or any other [+of] great estate¬ and for these wordes, that he wold be noe mor<e> abused in him¬ the Earl of Oxford in his cuppes hathe not onelie spokeen them but many more as vile as these.

LM: Busse(97) a warninge to simiers trechere

Monsieur causid Busse slayne

To the tenthe, ther is no one pointe in this interrogatorie that towcheithe the reproche of Monsieur but the Erell of Oxford hathe spokeen, and [at] in the contrarye in praysinge the Kinge of Spaines greatnes and pietie, and that he hopid to see him Monarke, and within to [=two] dayes after he hath raylid as fast against, and yf this be vntrewe god never receav<e> me to his mercye.

LM: Prasinge the King of Spains pietie greatness and that I hopid to see him Monarke of the worell [=world]

To the eleventhe [as] I take God to witnesse¬ I never had, ^so never had I of any¬ intelligence that ther shuld come Ambassadors owte of frawnce spayne and others whiche should assiste the Kinge of scottes ambassadors in the demaund of his Mother, or of any such determinacion that shuld shortlie come to pas this springes from a muddye fowntayne

To the twelef. of her Maiestie welth I never made serche or enquirie, and of her receytes I never sought to vnderstand.

To the thirtene. so far am I from discourse and so merlie(98) ignorant of her Maiesties receites as I [+am] not able to saye what risethe owte of her courtes of Iustice, of her custumes of subsedies privie seales and fyftens or of any thinge else that hathe bin levied since the happie beginnynge of her raynge [=reign].

To fowretene. I never discorsid ^to my rembrance [=remembrance]¬ of any suche helpes (as I am sayd to terme them) devisid by her Maiestie by certayne publicke collections as lotteries buildinge of poles [=St Paul's] steple with diverse other levies and others and of intent or speeche that myght implie any practice I am free.

To the fiftene. I never sent pike vnto LaMote nor any to the Kinge of spayne. yf my accuser be as free from such practyce¬ it is the better for him.(99) |

To the sixtene. I never receavid more letters then I sent ether from Lamote or the Kinge and that never eny pike dwelens [=dwells] not farr hense who can remove this dowte

To the seventene. as I kno not his wife so I made not the marriage, and for the reward he browght me from the Kinge of spayne it defrayed not [the] his¬ ambassadge. nor his marriage dinner.(100)

To the eyghtene. as¬ I can not but¬ wonder at this fiction so was [was¬] it not my office¬ [never] [+to] regester(101) [of] the encrese¬ the sowles that hathe bin made throwghe the sheres of Ingeland [this is a bable] and of eny suche¬ speche never hard [=heard] I.

To the nintene. of any secret gatheringe farr beyond the seas¬ to the relife of any here. this question(102) is as strange as the greater part of the rest of these interragatories, and [for my owne parte]

To this(103)





The "Third" Interrogatory survives in a single complex document, essentially Charles Arundel's depositions in answer to interrogatories attributed to Oxford, the latter summarized by Arundel in paraphrase; the five answers are followed by a brief libel (2.3.2) and by a letter (2.3.3), also by Arundel.



2.3.1 In article 1 of this deposition Arundel states that he has been under arrest for seven months, while article 2 confirms a date after Walsingham's interrogation of captured seminary priests on 14 July 1581 (7.6); thus the date must be late July or August 1581. Articles 1, 2, and 5 renew charges made in the first two interrogatories. Article 3, concerning "a certayne boke of pictures", seems to be new, although this may have been the intent of interrogatory 2.1.4/24, evaded by Arundel in 2.1.5/24. The charge concerning the book and associated prophecies proved of great concern to Arundel here and to Henry Howard as well (see 3.5.2, 3.5, and Chapter 14). Article 4 is a trivialized version of an accusation presented in the First Interrogatory (2.1.4/8).

PRO SP12/151[/44], ff. 98-9 (bifolium, 310mm x 215mm, heavily repaired; undated)

A breife answer to my Lord of Ox<fords> slawnderous accusations

1 Article

first he accusethe me of hereinge masse six yeres past in ffrancis sowthwells chamber

Answer

Thowghe my Lord speake rather vppon heresaye then knoledge yet this article beinge the onelye trewe thinge he obiectithe is confessid marye w<e> must note withall that wheras the statute Lawe(104) punnishithe no hereers of masse, with one not orderlie presentyd within the yere I have bin commityd seven monthes together, notwithstanding six yeres are nowe fullye past since the tyme was past whiche the lawe prescribeithe.

2 Article

It is further chargeid vppon me for the further aggrevatinge of the fawlte that the prest which sayd this masse was a Iesuite(105) whose commission is to reconcile to the pope [-p] and oxford affirmithe playnlie that bothe I and the other too [=two] were reconcilelid [sic].

Answer

To this I answer that it can avayle them little that the prest was of this suspectyd order, vnlesse they can prove that I knowinge him to be so notwithstandinge harde his masse for many plaine and simple men may light into suspiciou<s> companye. againe the Iesuites werr no more offensive to the state seven yeres agon(106) then any other prestes nether was ther any statute or proclomation [yt] more¬ forbiddinge one then [other] a nother¬ but the truthe is to make short worke that this prest was nether Iesuite at that time nor is any nowe as Mr Walsinggam hathe fownd by the flatt [coff] confession¬ of the semenarye pristes within the towre(107) who to iustifye the fawlte against me with more forse have bin thorlie and severralie examined, so that what so ever mallice hathe vniustlie builte vppon this false grownd must play castell come downe and disolve to nothinge. nowe where as oxford affirmithe falselie that we were reconcileid to the pope &c first note yat this prest was no Iesuite nor had not any suche authoritye 2 that I was neve<r> oftener then once in his companye nor never longer then while the masse was in celebratinge 3 that reconcilement is a secret mistery, that can not be don in publicke thowghe the parties wold, but privatelie in the eare with sequestracio<n> of all standers bye. 4 that I never spake with any preste in oxfords presence much les<se> was reconcileid 5 that what soever I sett downe shalbe confirmeid by the formale depositions and othes of [the] those¬ that were present wheras oxford was never in owre companye at any masse or conference but forgeithe owte of his one [=own] guiddye brayne what he takeithe to be fittest for the speding(108) of his auncient frindes and pleasinge of his reconcileid schole Master(109) but this is as trewe, as that the frenche Ambassader conveyed awaye the Iesuite in deniall wherof oxford put vpp a lie in presence of the Qwene and with shame Inoughe was put to silence.(110) |

3 Article

That my Lord harrye shuld be present when I presentid a certayne boke of pictures, after the manner of a prophesie and by interpretacion resemblid a crowned sone to the Qwene &c

Answer

off [=of] all other this pointe is most childishe vayne and most ridiculus for as my Lord harrye never sawe this payntid boke I protest much lesse expowndid it or playd the paraphrast so in my knoledge dyd he never [+do so] of any suche, till my Lord of oxford beinge commaundid to kepe his chamber abowte the libellinge betwene him and my Lord of lester,(111) I declarid to my Lord harrye that suche a toye oxford layd vpp in his deske which some man of his as I conceavid thrust vppon him vnder cullor of a prophesye to cosine him of crownes(112) as in dede it was not rare to picke his purse with pretence of novelties and fu<t>ure accidentes addinge further that I fearid lest Sir Thomas henedge who had the kepeinge of [-of] the fole(113) at that time lightinge on the same might wilfullie pervert it to his hurt, and geve a greter oportunitie to those that had a mind to temper or to worke against him. this was mye sincere and honest care of my ingratefull and accurseid frind, and this was all that ever my Lord harrye hard of [-of] the payntyd gewegawes, so farr his iudgment and discretion was from ^geseinge [=guessing, surmising]¬ or interpretinge, and for his further clereinge in this cawse I will depose on my othe, he was never privie to the boke, and that oxford shewinge it to me(114) coniurid [=conjured, constrained] me by soleme othe never to impart the thinge¬ to my Lord harrye bycause he wold not hide it from my Lord Treasorer. nowe iudge whether it be likelie, that he wold make his(115) eies wittnessis of that, wherof he was so lothe his eares shold receave the sownd by report of another, and suche vnkindnesse was at that time wherof he spekeithe betwene them that not so muche as ordenarye speche muche lesse private secretes were currant on ether syde.(116)

4 Article

That I shuld once¬ bringe in a Iesuite to see the Qwene dawnce in her privie chamber

Answer

Christ never receave me to his mercye nor forgeve me my sinnes yf ever I spake with Iesuite muche lesse browght then to the sight of suche an exercise and stile [=still] lesse with ther severitie to followe, then with my discretion to proffer.(117)

5 Article

that I bothe sent letters and messengers to Monsieur¬

Answer

Towcheinge this fift article yf hir Maiestie obiect [=put] it to¬ X as I thinke she will not he maye best acquite me of all others as beinge best acquaynetid with his Masters intelligence(118)



2.3.2 Charles Arundel's accusations against Oxford (for more such, see Appendix 4). The fact that this follows on the same sheet as the preceding must be attributed to Walsingham's amanuensis rather than to Arundel. In the original, the articles are written as a solid paragraph.

PRO SP12/151[/44], f. 99 (continuation of previous)

Consideration of the Accuser

Nowe wold I require of charitie and iustice that these brefe particulers conserninge him that chargithe me maye be considerid. ffirst that he was never kinde to any frind nor thankefull to any kinsman in generall. |

2 that thoughe he love no man liveinge from his harte yet of all he most detestithe those that are ether nerelie knitt by nature or have depelie bownde him by ther well deservinge

3 that his common iudgment of the name of Howardes was that it excedeid all the worell [=world] in trechery(119)

4 that by deviseinge(120) tales and lies he wold sett¬ one man to kill a nother and hathe sought my life by inderecte [practyces] devyses¬

5 that he wold have sett hobby(121) to have killid my Lord harrye when that wold not be to sewe devision betwen his nevewe and him,(122) when this wold not take place to invent some speches that might concerne him in dewtye to the Qwene and when he sayd yat he nether durst nor cold lie he gave him over

6 ten dayes before this brabble was begone he sent him(123) a message, that ether by meanes direct or indirect by right or wronge, he wold m<ake> him repent his leaveinge of his companye.

7 after he had once begun his accusation he proferid me a pardon from the Qwene, and a thowsan pownd in mony [+and] a hundryd pownd Land, in case I wold concurr with him in pointes wherof he had accusid the Lord harrye, and Southwell(124) whiche I refuseinge and professinge to doe against him that wold charge me with the smallest thoug<ht> against my prince, he wold have geven me as muche to flie, that bye the flight of one, he might have wreakeid his depe mallice on a nother but this succedeinge as evell as the rest with menacis, that I shuld be toren in pecees with the Racke(125) he left me whervppon sone after one of vs, and within towe dayes bothe the rest were committed,(126) nowe the truthe is, that this noble cownt, findinge him selfe forsaken for his horrible enormities, rather to be buried in the dunge hill of forgettfullnesse then reportyd by any modest tonge obtayned my Lord of Lesters favor by the mediation of his one [=own] man Milles(127) vppon condition that he shuld spede vs three, and thus the bargaine was concludid.



2.3.3 Charles Arundel to ?Christopher Hatton, after seven months of imprisonment, probably late July or early August 1581, from Sutton in West Sussex. This letter is almost identical to 5.7 and 5.8: see headnote to 5.7.

PRO SP12/151[/44], f. 99-9v (continuation of previous)

To my dere frind X(128)

Yf the Quene vppon your motion pretend a pavse [=postponement] or promis to take a tyme as she hathe done all this while, withowte any frute you maye wekeen [=weaken] that excuse by alleginge my 8 monthes imprisonment withoute other care of my defence, or regard of my creditt, or callinge me to answer.

Yf she saye that she will put it [+to] triall it is but a scuse [=an excuse, a dodge] for yf that wold have sped the turne, it had bin put in practice longe agone [or else her meaninge is to kepe it for the skorning and suborninge of my <.>s<...>ies(129) when the marraige is at an end] wherfore I require that you will never geve it over, till ether I be called furthe or set at libertye |

I trust her maiestye will not denye you as muche favoure in the behalfe of(130) [a] [mee the privie delyng and the complayninge to the most <.....> the chiefe¬ a frind to the cause] lightlie suspected of nothinge as she grawntyd [the same] others in the behalfe of a [-a] parson [=person] convicte<d>(131) of grete¬ bestlinesse

yf she limite my restrainte by oxfords punnishement first remember that owre casees are not like and then that I was kepte close in a chamber fowre monthes together while oxford was grasinge in the pastures.(132)

1. Walsingham suffered from chronic boils: Read (1925), i, 167; Haynes (1991), p. 35.

2. L'Innocence de la ... Royne d'Escosse (Lyons, 1572), of which the second part (from Sig. P) is a defense of the earl of Norfolk and an attack on Leicester.

3. n added.

4. Sig. P4v.

5. n added.

6. I have not identified the "overslypped title".

7. Henry Howard (see 2.1.3, headnote).

8. John Hammond, LL.D.

9. Probably James Dalton.

10. A well-known victualling- and gaming-house.

11. This description does not fit any English work printed before Nicholas Sanders, De Origine ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani (1585), which, however, was written by this time and circulated in manuscript. Conceivably Norton had in mind A Treatise of Treasons (1572: STC 7601), which Charles Arundel admits having read (2.1.5/11), and which does anticipate universal rebellion (Sig. N4). Yet another possibility is a "book of prophecies", the object of an inquiry 24 February? 1574: PRO SP15/23/41(2) (CSPD(3), pp. 457-9).

12. nn has 3 minims only.

13. STC 11504, dated 13 October 1571.

14. See above, 2.1.1@2.

15. CHECK.

16. Article 4 originally ended here; the rest is supplied as an afterthought.

17. An annotation, Dalton at Arundels, appears in the left margin, possibly in Oxford's (italic) hand. On places of assembly, see 2.1.1@10.

18. v followed by otiose flourish normally signifying er. The bull is the notorious Regnans in Excelsis.

19. Author of A Treatise of Schisme, 1578. Martin had served as a tutor to Henry Howard's nephews (DNB).

20. Possibly more.

21. Presumably, abroad.

22. The charge of "combination" or conspracy (see also 2.2.1/1) is doubtless offered to explain away the consistency between the answers given by Arundel and by Howard (compare 3.1 and 4.2).

23. Evidently the garden of Henry Lyte.

24. A privy doublet served as secret body-armour..

25. Presumably only the queen's ladies would be in a position to rifle her pockets: is Anne Vavasor or another such person being implicated here? Compare 2.3.1/4.

26. Anjou.

27. Simier came to England loaded with jewels as gifts and bribes: Haynes (1987), p. 133.

28. See 2.1.1@2.

29. It is not clear whether this article alludes to L'Innocence or to A Treatise of Treasons (see note 11).

30. See 2.1.1@10.

31. The final characters of this and other words appear on the conjugate leaf. On Dalton, see 2.1.1@9.

32. c changed from h. On the identity of the book referred to in articles 18-20, see 2.1.1@11.

33. If a priest would only say mass for those who were reconciled, then attendance at mass would constitute dangerous evidence of reconciliation. The priest in question was Richard Stevens (see 4.2/2.13).

34. Extra minim in m. Is Thomas an error for Edward?

35. Paget was a notorious Catholic exile and conspirator.

36. For a clarification, see answer (2.1.5/24).

37. See answer (2.1.5/25).

38. In his reply (2.1.5/25) Arundel reveals that Dacre House was Howard's residence.

39. Charles Arundel's characteristic (and Catholic?) way of starting a statement (see also 5.3, 6.1).

40. I.e., the night just past (OED over night). This conference between Arundel and Howard evidently occurred on Christmas Day at Mendoza's residence.

41. The priest Richard Stevens (see 4.2/2.13).

42. Presumably the chamber of Francis Southwell, but possibly of Richard: see article 3.

43. This putative bribe was offered Christmas 1580 (4.1.1).

44. I.e., at the London residence of Henry Wriothesley, the "old" earl of Southampton, in Holborn.

45. Error for Francis? See article 1; 2.3.1/1; and 3.5.2@148. Attendance at irregular masses was forbidden 20 October 1573 by the Act for Uniformity of Common Prayer.

46. Ralegh left for Ireland in June 1580 (DNB).

47. Captain Bourg served as a courier for Anjou and Simier: CP, ii, 265, 302, 314, 317-19, 330, 468; CSPF 1579-80, No. 308..

48. Presumably Captain Bourg or Simier himself (see Article 6).

49. e changed from s.

50. Anjou left England about 21 October 1579; Simier remained behind until January 1580.

51. Arundel apparently admits having read the anonymous A Treatise of Treasons (1572: see 2.1.1@11), which conforms to the description as it continues in articles 12-15.

52. Either just before Oxford left for the Continent in January 1575, or perhaps in Venice itself, if Arundel accompanied him there.

53. Possibly Robert Shaw: Haynes (1991), p. 53; Nungezer (1929); and Thomas Hide: STC 13376-7; Southern (1950), p. 428.

54. End of word blotted.

55. In 2.3/2.3 Arundel seems to know more about the ceremony of reconciliation than he admits here.

56. The Southampton marriage was notoriously embattled (DNB, under Henry Wriothesley, 1545-81).

57. I have not identified Edward (or Edmund?) Heywod. Is Arundel being disingenuous? Elsewhere (2.3.1/3; 3.5.2@146) it is apparent that the authorities were exercised about a book of prophecies.

58. Evidently this was while Oxford was under house arrest over his confrontation with Leicester (see 2.3.1/3).

59. In August 1579 (the specified year and a half prior to this reply) Elizabeth spent thirteen days at Greenwich entertaining Anjou (Ridley, 1987, p. 207).

60. Was this Arundel's lady (see Appendix 6)? or Mary Cornwallis?

61. Sir Thomas Kitson's estate was at Hengrave Hall, Sussex.

62. A better correction might have been "I have no acquaynetance ..."

63. Conspiratorial agreement: see 2.1.4/1.

64. I.e., home of Henry Percy. Peck (D. C.), p. 21, identifies this as Petworth in West Sussex, but Northumberland House in London, near St Andrew's Hill, Blackfriars, seems more likely.

65. Evidently Thomas or Hugh Swift (see 2.2.3/4).

66. I.e., make up a sum of.

67. Possibly 1576-77 (compare 3.1/5@86).

68. Thomas Radcliffe, earl of Sussex, leader of the successful military campaign against the rebel earls.

69. Thomas Howard, duke of Norfolk, executed 1572.

70. First i changed from a or vice versa.

71. Louis Bussy-d'Ambois, killed in a duel 1579 (LGE; OCEL).

72. Evidently a son or kinsman of Sir Henry Jerningham, d. 1571 (DNB).

73. Mary Queen of Scots.

74. I.e., likewise (written over something else).

75. "A tax of one-fifteenth ... imposed on personal property" (OED fifteenth B. sb. 1).

76. The steeple of St Paul's Cathedral in London was destroyed in 1561 (EB).

77. On English lotteries, see Haynes (1979:2).

78. n unclear; possibly wher.

79. Leith and Newhaven were ports of Edinburgh (Ekwall); I cannot guess whether the queen was thought to have been at charges with wares, wars, or wharves.

80. I.e., short journies? petty juries (as opposed to grand juries)?

81. I.e., too long to list in detail. The rebellion was presumably the rising of 1569-70.

82. e is dotted.

83. La Mothe Fenelon, French ambassador to England 1568-75, still active as a diplomat into the 1580s (EB).

84. Oxford seems to suggest that Pike's cover would have been maintained better if he had not quit Arundel's service so precipitously.

85. I.e., collections of money.

86. I.e., Catholics in exile.

87. Either "faithful households" as an extension of OED very A. adj. I.1.a; or an error for every houshowld.

88. fishstreat in 2.2.1, which must be authentic as it is in Oxford's own hand.

89. This word is written in the left margin.

90. Probably George Gifford and Hugh or Thomas Swift (see 2.2.1/4).

91. Sir Matthew Arundel, whose principal residence was Wardour Castle in Wiltshire.

92. Possibly Jane, who had married Sir William Bevill, son and heir of John Bevill of Killygrath in Cornwall; Arundel's other two sisters were Margaret and Dorothy.

93. Possibly Knasemer or Rinsewer. Possibly a reference to Sir John Arundel and his family (see 2.2.1/6).

94. This passage is heavily corrected and not entirely legible.

95. I.e., Christmas Day night (see 4.1.1).

96. The Lord Chamberlain was Thomas Radcliffe, earl of Sussex.

97. Bussy d'Ambois (see 2.2.1@71).

98. Transcription uncertain: last four characters appear on conjugate leaf.

99. Oxford indeed seems to have sent William Wyseman into Spain, with letters.

100. dower seems like the proper (and logical) meaning, but the text seems to read dinner.

101. The two possible meanings seem to be "I was never registrar..." and "it was never my office to register...".

102. qu changed from a<...>. Evidently the amanuensis who turned Oxford's drafts (2.2.1-2) into formal interrogatories got the question turned around, for of course money was being collected in England for the benefit of exiles abroad rather than vice versa.

103. Either Arundel or the amanuensis apparently failed to realize that the nineteenth and final interrogatory had been answered.

104. Statute law of 20 October 1573: see 2.1.5@45.

105. Richard Stevens was indeed probably not a Jesuit: see note 107.

106. I.e., 1573 (see note 104).

107. I.e., the Tower of London. Further on this interrogation, see 7.6 (14 July 1581). Charles Arundel was almost certainly correct: Stevens was not in fact a Jesuit.

108. I.e., speeding, destroying: OED, v., 9.c; earliest uses recorded hitherto 1594/1605.

109. I.e., Thomas Fowle? or Laurence Nowell, d. late 1576? But neither of these men is known to have reconciled.

110. The French ambassador was Mauvissiere; Oxford himself may have helped smuggle the priest overseas.

111. See 1.1, headnote..

112. Crowns were coins worth five shillings; here the term stands for money in general.

113. Sir Thomas Heneage, vicechamberlain of Elizabeth's household, was in charge of the court fool.

114. Compare 3.5.2@146, where Southwell claims that he alone of the trio perused the manuscript.

115. I.e., Oxford would make Henry Howard's ....

116. This absence of communication is an issue at 3.1/2.2@32.

117. I.e., neither would a Jesuit (given his severity) ask to see the queen dancing, nor would I (with my good judgment) be so foolish as to offer. Compare 2.1.4/8.

118. If "X" is Hatton, as it should be (see 2.3.3@128), the meaning is, perhaps: If Elizabeth would only ask Hatton - though I fear she won't - he could acquit me because he is familiar with communications between Oxford and Anjou.

119. This phrase occurs elsewhere, particularly in regard to Philip Howard": see 4.2/8.5-6.

120. v changed from s.

121. Evidently Sir Thomas Hoby.

122. I.e., between Philip Howard and Henry Howard: on this incident, see 4.2/8.2 and accompanying note.

123. I.e., Oxford sent Henry Howard a message 16 December 1580 (see 3.3@114).

124. This bribe was reportedly offered 25 December 1580 (see 4.1.1).

125. R changed from Ch.

126. If the last of two meetings with Oxford occurred on Christmas Day night, and if Southwell indeed confessed all (4.1.1@8), then it looks as if Southwell was arrested first, then Howard and Arundel within two days.

127. Arthur Milles, Oxford's servant (Cecil Papers 146/19).

128. I.e., Christopher Hatton ("Hat-ten"): Williams (1972), p. 148; perhaps also from Xopher = Christopher. See also 2.3.1/5.

129. Transcription uncertain; witnesses? servants?

130. The final meaning is, apparently, "in the behalf of me, lightly suspected of nothing" (see 5.7).

131. In truth Oxford was merely accused, not convicted, of "bestlinesse".

132. Arundel was under arrest from about 27 December 1580, whereas Oxford remained free until after 23 March 1581.