Libels Part 4. Charles Arundel contra Oxford: formal statement and three libels

Charles Arundel was arrested just after Christmas 1580, perhaps on 27 December, and was first interrogated within the week. Through all his interrogations and petitions, his principal strategy against Oxford's charges (as with Henry Howard) was firstly to concede one or two minor points, especially occasional attendance at mass, but secondly to implicate Oxford in the same crimes, and finally to charge Oxford in far more serious crimes. The following documents include a formal statement following up his first interrogation, a brief letter of appeal to Elizabeth, and three articulated libels against Oxford, of which the most wide-ranging is 4.2. (See 2.3.2 for yet another of Arundel's libels.)

4.1.1 Formal statement, evidently produced during or immediately after an interrogation by "your lordships" (members of the Privy Council) about 27 December 1580, when the events of Christmas itself (a Sunday) were fresh in his mind.

A contemporary copy of this document survives at Longleat, where it is catalogued as Dudley Papers III/203; printed in HMC Bath, Longleat MSS, vol. 5 (1968), pp. 204-5.

PRO SP15/27A[/46], ff. 81-2 (bifolium, 305mm x 210mm, repaired)

On Svndaye last beinge Christmas day, the Earell of Oxenford desirid secrett conference ^with me¬ as he had don the night before whervnto I assenteinge, we mett in the eveninge at the Maydes chamber(1) doore, and after longe spechees in secret betwene him and my cosine Vaviser(2) who was the meane of owre meteinge we departid thense to have gon to the garden but the dore beinge dubble locked or boltid we [returnid] colde not¬ gett in then we returnid to the [lower part] Tarris¬ [=terrace] and ther in the farther ^part¬ of the lowe gallerie the sayde Earell vsid this speche vnto me. Charles I have ever loveid the [=thee] and as you have alredie geven [me] yowr word(3) to my Mistris(4) so nowe I crave it to my selfe, and after some assurance geven he vnfoldeid to me all his trecherie, [he vsid] vsinge¬ many cunnynge perswasions to make me¬ an instrument of dishonist practice against my Lord(5) harrye and francis soothewell, with the proffer of one thowsan powndes to affirme that they were reconcileid by one stevans(6) ^a prest¬ I so muche mislikeid of this mocion as I perswadeid the sayde Earl from so dishonorable a purpose, protestinge before god [beinge] which is¬ most trewe I nether knowe nor [ever] hard of any sutche thinge well Charles sayde the Earl, stevans is takeen and racked, and hathe confessid(7) and therfore I wishe you as a frind, to be gon and depart the realme yf you have fawlted as farr as others [he my Lord quoth] whervnto I answerid god I take to witnis suche offence¬ I my selfe am free ^of¬ and so am I perswadeid of others. you are deceaveid sayde the Earl¬ sowthwell hathe bewrayd all¬(8) therfore yf you wilbe gon, which I wishe for your safetie¬ litchefild my man shall shifte you a way ^wher¬ you shall remayne for a time at a house of myne in norfolke, [I] or¬ Suffowke I do not well remember <wh>ethir¬ but nere the sea.(9) you shall have a thowsan powndes ether with you or billes for so muche the ambassador | of spayne(10) hathe of myne more then that and when you are gon I will find the meane to send vnto you and yf the sale of a hundrid pownd [L] land¬ will do you good [you] it¬ shalbe [sold to doe you good] the rather then you shall want¬ [I lik] I likeeid so ill of this vnsownd cownesell as I vtterlie refusid it¬ [my Lord in the end was] then my Lord fell to a playnenesse and told me wha<t>(11) he had confessid to the Quene that he was reconcillid to[?]¬ never hard before¬ that he had his pardon to appech(12) and if I wolde be ruleid by him¬ he wolde save me. I thanke[+d] him much but refusid¬ His [conclusion was] cownesell¬ his conclusion was that no man coulde do him harme but my selfe and that my Lord will I never [+do] his driafte [=drift] as I [conceaveid] colde Iudge¬ of it was to this end that by my¬ flight he might be freed of his monsterous dealinge, and others browght to more suspicion and not refusinge vtterle to yeld to his reqwest I prayed him I might thinke vppon it and ther vppon wrat [=wrote] vnto the Earell a letter by pore [=Power] his page(13)¬, the copye wherof I exhibityd to your Lordships(14) and thus muche for his dealinge with me then towcheinge stevans <as>¬ I did confesse vnto [+your] honors so do I now sett it downe vnder my hand that the Earle beinge greved in conscience aboute killing of (blank)(15)¬ as it siemed abowte a five yere since desirid [me to helpe him [-to] conference¬ with¬] some lernid man whervppon I brought him vnto (blank)(16) and what after happenid withowt concealement of any thinge I have trewlie vnfoldid vnto yowr honors

4.1.2 Charles Arundel to Elizabeth, Christmas week 1580.

(follows 4.1.1, outside back leaf)

Right noble and most gracious sovereigne yf I [shuld] do not¬ write [-anye] as of my ^selfe¬ vnto yowr excellencye with any sparke of presumtion as a matter mete for the vewe of the maiestie of yowr sacred parson [=person], not onelie my none [=mine own] wekenesse wold bewraye me but also procure my worthie reprehension. but simplie presuminge of yowr Maiesties milde and accustomid favor provokeid by [ne<cessi>te] necessitie¬ and no less perswadid by the humblenesse of a dewtifull mynd as one¬ vowd by othe and alegeance faythe<ful>lie to serve yowr maieste, the regard wherof not leadithe but constraynethe <me> althoughe with t<r>emblinge hand to present vnto yowr magnificence this my poore aflicted state. most humblie bescheinge yowr maiestie that it maye plese the s<u>n<e> [=sun] of yowr grete bownetie to g<e>v<e> it ceileing [?sealing, confirmation]. hopeing that <whe>re I [have had] reposed¬ my onelie¬ contentance th<er> to [kepe] find¬ my onelie comfort

Modern endorsements: Dec 1581; Dec 1580

4.2 Charles Arundel's fully articulated libel, under nine separate headings. Although the libel is undated, it bears an uncommon similarity to Henry Howard's letter which I have assigned to late December 1580 (3.1), and must date from the same period. The similarities between the two documents almost certainly lie behind Oxford's charges of "combination" or conspiracy in 2.1.4/1 and 2.2.1/1. Although the original is written as solid blocks of text, I have separated the items into paragraphs for ease of reference. Numbers not in square brackets are in the original document.

I have given this document pride of place in my system of annotation. Other documents which contain similar details are cross-referenced to this document; similarly, this document is cross-referenced to other documents; but other documents are not generally cross-referenced to one another.

PRO SP12/151[/46], ff. 103-4 (originally bifolium, 318mm x 210mm, slightly repaired; undated)

The strenthe of this monsters evidence against my Lord henrye Mr Sowthewel<l> and my selfe wekend [=weakened] and takeen downe by the sufficient profe of the mans insufficiensie to beare wittnesse against any man of reputacion. for these respectes no lesse warrantid by lawes of honor and of armes then by the cevyle lawes and [by] the lawes of owre one cuntrie

Atheisme 1

ordenarye vse to lie for the whetstone(17) in the worst degree 2

mercenarie faythe 3

bowcherlie bluddiness 4

dangerowse practice 5

notable dishonestie of life skant to be nameid 6

drunkeennesse 7

particuler grudge to vs all three 8

vndutifull dealinge to the Quene 9

[1] Atheisme(18)

[1] Towcheinge the first the sayde Lord herrye and my selfe have iustified by word and writing his protestinge at richemond in the presence of a number as my Lord Winsor Mr Russell and Rawlie(19) & his protesting that the glorious trinitie was an old wives tale and voyde of reas<on>

[2] & that he cold make a better and more orderlie scripture in six dayes warninge

3 that Christ was a simple(20) man

4 that Iosephe was bothe a cukekold and a wittold

5 that nothinge was so defensible by the scripture as bawdrie(21) often affirmid in the presence of all and singuler these persons above nameid.

6 that he cold never beleve in suche a God as delte well with those that deserveid evell and evell with those that deserveid well

7 that he culd prove by scripture that after this life we shuld be as yf we had never ben and that the rest was deviseid but to make vs afrayd like babes and childerne of owr shadowes, this with muche more hathe bene, is, and shalbe iustified

[2] Ordenarye vse to lie

Lett these examples plede. that the cobblers wyves of Millaine, are more richlie dressid everie workeinge daye then the Qwene on Christmas daye(22)

1 that but for the comminge of beningefeld(23) and the Duke of Alvaes perswation rather to omitte the service then forsake his cuntrie he had surpriseid bommle(24) wittnesse my Lord howard of effinggam, Lord henry francis southwell walter ralegh and my self.

2 that yf my Lord howard(25) had not in the Quenes name callid him a waye by letter, he had bin governer of Millayne, henry howard walter ralegh francis southwell harrye burroughe(26) robinson.

3 that he was in the waye to genoa with 3000 horsees a 10000 fotemen to take it for the Kinge of Spayne by don Iones(27) direction when the cardinall Moron(28) toke vpp the matter

4 that he was profferid ten thousan <p>owndes a yere [and more] by the pope and more by Kinge Phillipp at napales.(29)

5 that the cownetesse of Mirondola(30) came fiftie miles to lie with him for loves

[6] that the Qwene of navare(31) sent a messenger to desire him to speke with him in her chamber

<7> that St markes churche is paveid at Venice with diamowntes and rubies(32)

8 that a marchant in geane [=Genoa] hathe a Mantell of a chimnye of more price then all the tre<a>sure of the towre

9 that he red the reathoricke lecter publikelie in sermies [?sermons] pr<eached> at strosbreke [=Strasbourg]

10 that Charles tyrrell(33) appereid to him with a whipp, which had made a better shew in the hand of a Carman [=cart-driver] then of hobb gobbline and this was in vnckle howard<s>(34) at grenewidge

11 that in the same place he had copulacion with a female spr<ight>

12 that he had often sene the devell by coniuringe with parsones of the chappell that died(35) and by his direction paynetid owte a bok of prophesies, the coniuringe w<as> in the little howse in the tilteayrd [=tiltyard] at grenewidge

13 that he sawe the reall bodie of Christ visablelie betwene the handes of stevens(36) at masse

14 that he preached at brigstocke in norhamtonshir in the presence of Mr malin scole master of <p>aules(37)

15 that he hathe had the companye of(38) sundrye great parsonageis [=personages] within the Re<alm who>me I forbeare to name for reverence(39)

16 beside household lies which are infinite |


ffor profe [of] hereof we nede sek no further then his ordinarie manner to forswere him selfe fiftene times in an owre wherof bycause the pageis and the boyes in the strete can beare wittnesse I will saye no more besides a thowsan others in confirmation of all these particulers whiche have bin repeated.

[3] Mercenarye faythe

He willed me to saye to one in Ingeland(41) that what soever he wold have h<im> affirme as sayd to him by my Lord of lester he wold affirme it to his face at Greenwich he proferrid my Lord harrye and my selfe five hundrid powndes to affirme vppon owre one [=own] knoledge the wordes vtterid by rowland yorke of Mr secretorie Walsingh<am>(42) with muche more but these examples are most notable.

[4] Boucherlie bludinesse

No daye withowte practice to drawe blud amonge his one [=own] frindes which we findinge gave warninge one to a nother, but the knave seinge no wayes to severe vs comendid vs of want of currage, and we him of want of honestie

1 his setting robinson vppon harrye burrowghe(43)

2 he wrought the deathe of Davie the fenser by locker(44) and often vawntid of his deade [=deed]

3 he layde all the towne(45) to kill Rowland york

4 causeid wekes to murther sankie bycause he wold not kill rowland yorke(46)

5 he sett Wotton vppon Backeer [=Baker](47)

6 my selfe vppon sowthwell(48)

7¬ my Lord howard(49) vppon me

8 my Lord Garrett vppon my Lord winsor(50)

9 my Lord Garrett vppon my Lord howard

10 he profferid all his cutters to Mr thomas Drewrye so that he wold dispatche my Lord howard(51) his dereist frind

11 brake into my Lord of wosters howse with an intent to murther him and all his men as he often times protes<ted> afterward(52)

12 no daye free withowte settinge one man vppon a nother

13 I spek<e> not of his tastinge blud in his infancie almost whiche prefigurid a domitione.(53)

[5] Dangerous practice

[1] A device fatherid vppon rowland yorke, that Mr walsinggam shuld packe [=conspire] with my Lords of essex and huntingeton, first to begine with my Lord of lester abowte his wife(54) makeinge all the strengthe he could vnder culler of pretending request of iustice, and when that shuld ether be denied or abridgeid to attempte the reformation of the goverment. [-2] the practice with my Lord harrye, and my self, to avowe the knoledge of the sayd practice from Rowland yorke his mouthe whic<h> we refuseid,

[2] his practice with a sorte of cutters to sett vppon Mr Vicechamberlayne(55) and Iohn cheke as he went with him late one night to his lodgeinge meaninge to have skapeid [=escaped] awaye that night by the water gate, and haveinge placeid a barke redie at the temmes mouthe(56) to conveye him awaye yf he had not bin removeid from the matter, by my Lord henry francis southwell Charles Arundel(57)

3 his strange practice at to [=two] times to have slayne the Earl of Lester once vppo<n> his way to wanstede another tyme at the garden steres(58)

4 his othe to kill Sir harrye Knevett at the privie chamber dore for spekeinge evell of him to his nece(59)

5 his savage and inhumayne practice at Grenewidge to make awaye phillipe Sidneye(60)

6 his settinge Iarre(61) | And winkefeld to kill Arthur Gorge as he shuld walke over the [gre] grene at richemond

7 his practice with certayne soldiers to kill Dennye Rawle and cheke in Ireland(62)

8 his layinge wayte for Rawlies life before his goinge into Ireland(63)

9 his provision of shott and powder no man knowes to what purpose(64)

10 his sekeinge for poyson of Ceasare(65) that was with my Lord of Lester.

[6] Dishonestye of life(66)

Confessid buggerie to Will Cornwallis(67)

1 the Coke wepeinge to my Lord harry and my selfe at hampton corte confessid how my Lord had almost spoyleid him and yet he durst not open his grefe to Baker(68)

2 Rafe hopton(69) beinge commawnedid by my Lord to staye Mackwilliam(70) in his bed chamber till he came downe wept to my Lord harry and me fearinge least yf my Lord shuld deale with him as he delte with [r<oc>ho] rocco¬(71) in brodstrete the matter comminge owte he might be callid to accownte for an instrument, declaringe further that his harte akeid to consider what he knewe and what the worell [=world] vnderstode at this time sayinge that once when he was my Lordes page he was abowte to have stabbid him with his one [=own] dagger for profferinge so great a villonye

3 it was his one [=own] wordes(72)

4 Auracio(73) that came with him owte of Italie made it the Quarrell of his depa<r>ture as henrye locke(74) can testefie

5 he wold often tell my Lord harrye, my selfe and Sowthewell that he had abusid a mare

6 that the Ingelishe men were doltes and nidiotes [=idiots] for ther was better sporte in passa pecora(75) which they knewe not then in all ther occupiynge(76)

7 that when wemen were vnswete fine yonge¬ boyes were in season with so farr worse then this as it yrkenithe me to remember

8 he hathe a yerelie celebracion of the Neapolitan malaldye(77)

[7] Drunkennesse

All that ever [were in his] kept him¬ companye have had suche daylye and nightli<e> proufe of this by disgorgeinge at the bord, and wordes not to be nameid as we nede not spend much time abowte the proufe of it.

[8] Particuler grudge to vs

[1] To omitt the settinge of vs all to gether by the eares and one vppon another & device to murther vs by tellinge tales to his men

2 lett my Lord henrye Seymer be examined, what hobbye(78) told in his presence [.] &c

3 and my selfe can declare what he profferid me to accuse my Lord harrye and southewell(79)

4 his messagis to be revengeid by all meanes direct and indirect are evident

5 the course of his mallice began with frindlie warninge of his drunckennesse at the Quenes remove from nonesuche to otlandes(80) his affirmation to divers that the howardes were the most trecherous race vnder heaven

6 and my Lord howard(81) the rankeist villayne that liveid on this earthe

[9] Vnduetifull dealinge to the Quene

[1] his contynuall raylinge against hir Maiestie and fleinge the companye of my Lord harrye sowthewell and my selfe with ill wordes [wordes] of vs all to his men for perswadinge him to applie him selfe to content and serverve [=serve] her Maiestie.(82)|

2 that the Quene sayd he was a bastard(83) for whiche cause he wold neve<r> love hir and leve her in the lurche one daye. one Mistris for love another for the pownd.(84)

3 diswation, to my Lord harrye for settinge furthe a treatise callid Encomia Elizabethii(85) and the reasons whiche he vsed profferinge my [=me] monnye to diswade my Lord harrye from printinge of it

4 the Catholickes good avemarye Cockomes [=cockscombs] that wold not rebell against the Qwene(86)

5 my Lord of Norfolke worthye to lese his hed for not followinge his cownesayle at Lichefeld to take armes(87)

6 raylinge [yf] at¬ Francis Sowthwell for commendinge the Qwenes singeinge one night at hamton cort protestinge by the blud of god, that she had the worst voyce, and did everye thinge with the worst grace, that ever any woman did, and that he was never, non plus,(88) but when he came to speke well of hir

7 his detectinge shellie(89) to the Inglishe fugetives at rome for geveinge intelligence to my Lord Treasorer

8 his often iestinge [=jesting] at stevans for refuseinge to geve him the sacrament, till he promisid to receave his wife againe(90)

9 his practice with the spanishe Ambassador(91) for goinge into spayne, and committinge his monye to his kepeinge to be conveyd over.

10 his sendinge awaye curtese(92) that was his instrument, and meane to the spanish Ambassador for the preparinge of thingis on the tother side

11 his continuall raylinge of my Lord of Arundell,(93) for puttinge his trust in the Qwene

12 he wold have no chapplayne but Dr sanders, for he went to the Quicke wisheinge many times that he were pope(94)

13 no companion but the vicecownt of baltingglas(95) for he sayd that the Qwene wold challenge the primacye which Christ wold never geve vnto his one Mother

14 daylie spreding of Ireishe intelligence

15 he had the copye of the vicount of Baltinglas letter to the depthe [=deputy](96)

16 with greter villonies whiche we wishe to forgett bycause with dewtye we can not remember them.

4.3 Arundel's libel against Oxford, undated, but with a reference in paragraph numbered 2.1 to "interrogatories last ministred vnto me" (either 2.1.3 or 2.2.1-2), hence soon after 18 January 1581. For some reason, the third-person "her Maiestie" has been changed into the second-person "yowr Maiestie". I have supplied some reference numbers in square brackets.

PRO SP12/151[/45], ff. 100-2 (bifolium plus single sheet, 318mm x 208mm; undated)

A trew declaracion of the Earell of oxfordes detestabl<e> vicees, and vnpure life.

To reporte at large all the viceis of this monsterous Earell were a labor withowte end bycause they are so manye, so vile, and so scandalus, that it shuld be [lost time] shame to¬ write them and lost time to rede them: of many I will write a fewe, but those most probable against him, as bye the testemonye of some verye honorable and of divers verye honest shall playnelie appere, and to the end, that all men may see, and that [her] yowr¬ Maiestie may rightlie conceave, howe vnfitt he is to be abowte [her] yowr¬ parson [=person], I will trewlie desipher him to the worell [=world] and laye all his villenies to open gase, for concealement wherof my selfe, with others am iustlie punnished.


and as fitt to be

touched to weaken

his testemonye

whiche here I

omit for breveties


[1.1] And first will I detecte him of the most impudent, and sencelesse lies, that ever past the mowthe of any man, Whiche as heretofore they have made muche sporte to the hereers, so are they nowe turnyd to the preiudice of divers [+persons]. of a Million at the least that hathe past his tonge, I will onelie speke of three in affirmacion of whiche lies being voyde of sence, and withowte coullor of truthe, to have them beleveid he hathe periurde him selfe a hundrid times, and damnyd him selfe to the pitt of hell. ^a vice not inferior to manye yat him ateneid [=attend]¬ and leveinge all his circumstances thi<s> is the first lie. at his beinge in flawnders the Duke of Alva,(97) as he will constantlie affirme, grewe so muche to affecte him for those rar<e> partes he sawe in him, as he made him his lifetenant generall [of] over¬ all the armye then in the lowe cuntrye. and imployd him ferther in a notable pece of service, wher accordinge to his place he commawnedid and directed, the ambassador of spaine that is nowe here, Mountdragon, sansoe Davela(98) and the rest of the captaines, but these, whom I have namid, as he will saye, of all others were most glad to be commaundid by him, and so valiantlie he behaveid him selfe as he gayned great love of all the soldiers, and no lesse admiracion of his vallure(99) of all sortes: and in this iornye he passid manye straytes and divers bridgees kepte by the enemye whiche he bett [=beat] them from with the losse of many a mans life, but still he forseid [=forced] them to retire, [but] ^till¬ at the las<t> he approcheid the place that he went to besege,(100) and vseinge no delaye the Canon was plantid, and the batterie continuyd the space of ten daye<s> by whiche time he had made suche a breche, as by a generall consent of all his captaynes he gave an assaulte, and to encourrage his soldiers thi<s> valiant prince ledd them therto and throughe the forse of his murth<e>ringe arme, many were sore wondid, but more killed[.] notwithstandinge beinge not well followid bye the royters [=ritters, knights] he was repulseid but determaninge to geve a freshe and generall assalte the next day | Mr Beningefeld,(101) as the devell wold have it, came in vppon his post horse, and callid him from this service by her Maiesties letters beinge the gretist disgrace, that ever eny suche generall receaveid and nowe [it is a] ^the¬ question ^is¬, whether this noble generall were more troblid with his callinge home, or Beningefeld more moveid with pittye and compassion to behold this slaugheter, or his horse more aferd when he past the bridges at sight of the ded bodies, wherat he startid and flunge in suche sort as Beninfeld cold hardlie kepe his backe. Whether this hathe paste him I leve it to the report of my Lord Charles howard,(102) my Lord Winser, my Lord Compton, my Lord Harrye howard, and my Lord Thomas howard.(103) Rawlie, gorge, gifford(104), Waldose,(105) Noell,(106) and sowthewell with divers other Ientillmen that hathe accompanid him, and yf in his soberist modes [=moods], he wold owne this, it maye easalie be gatherid what will pas him in his cuppes.

[1.2] Not muche vnlike to the lie that went before, I have hard him often tell,(107) and as often hard it affirmed by his owne knaves when he call[+ed] them for witnesse, that at his beinge in Italie ther fell discord and discencion in the Cittie of Genoa betwene too families whervpon it grewe to warres, and greate ayde and assistance geven to ether partie, and that, for the fame that ran throughe Italie of his service done in the Lowe cuntries vnder the Duke of Alva he was choseen ^and made¬ generall of thirtie thowsan that the pope sent to the ayde of one partie. and that in this action he shewid so greate discretion, and goverment as by his wisedome the matters were compowndid, and, an accorde made beinge more for his glorie then yf he had fowght the battell, this lie is verye rife with him and in it he glories greatlie, diverslie hathe he told it, and when he enters into it, he can hardlie owte, whiche hathe made suche sporte as often have I bin driven to rise from his table laugheinge so hathe my Lord Charles howard, and the rest, whome I namid before and for the profe of this I take them all as wittnises

[1.3] His third lie whiche hathe some affinitie with the other too is of certayne excellent oracions he made, as namelie to the state of Venice at Padwaye at bolonia, and divers other placees in Italie, and one whiche pleased him selfe above the rest to his armye, when he marcheid towards Genoa, whiche when he ^had¬ pronowncid it¬, he left nothinge to replie, but everye one to wonder at his iudgement, beinge reputed for his eloquence another Cicero and for his conducke [=conduct] a Ceaser, and for his senlesse [=senseless] lies as I will avowe¬ bothe a fole and a knave [but](108) when this is tolde vpp startes a knave with three longe legges(109) and telles him his honor sayde trewe thus muche for his lies, the least of whiche will gayne a whetstone(110) |

[2] The second vice, wherwith I meane to towche him thoughe in the first I have included penurye in sothinge¬(111) is that he is a most notorious drunkerd, and verye seldome sober, in whiche fittes those that I have named yf they wold be brought to speke and suche as have bin most in his companye can well tell what he spekeithe, and wheras this Monster hathe as it appereithe vppon the interrogatories last ministred vnto me(112) turned over his one [=own] vile speches aswell against [Mis] Monsieur as others, I require no more for my acquitall but that my Lord harrye, Sowthewell and Rawlie, may be askeid, whoe it was that beinge as druncke as a begger, in his chamber at grenewidg¬ added further vnto those speches that he fownd it trewe, that Ceasar had writen of the frenche in his commentaries, and howe godd was fallen in to a strange vayne of crowneinge none but cockescomes. of these and suche like yea and of worse, will I speke more [in] of at¬ a nother [place] time¬, onelie thus I saye, that in his drunken fittes, he is no man but a beast disposest of all temperance, modestie, and reason and rvnes [=runs] as one posest with a wicked spright in to all actes of cruelltie, inyurye, and villonye and yf I accownetid otherwise of him then of Iohn Passe(113) ^to whome I have most aptelie often comparde him¬ I culd not with dewtye have concealeid what hathe past him but so livelie dothe the one resemble, the other, in all condicions, as settinge aside ther degree, ther is smale difference, in bestlie drunckeennesse this Monster excedes the other, and in raylinge of all estates he over runnes him spareinge no woman be she never so vertuous(114) nor any man be he never so honorable, and this beast beinge never restrayned from this libertie of raylinge,(115) but rather challengeinge more then was geven the other knave hathe nowe runne in to this madnesse and dares as it semes to speke any thinge, and so I comitt, him to the kepeer of his bottelles, who is muche to blame for my perseqwation [=persecution].

[3] Thirdlie, I will prove him a bowgerer, of a boye that is his coke,(116) aswell by that I have bin an yeye wittness of, as also by his one [=own] confession to [=too] often to my selfe, and others, who will not lie, it is most trewe that I have sene this boye many a time in his chamber to owres [=two hours] close lockeid together with him, namlie at whitehall, and at his howse in brodestrete, and findinge it so, I have gone to the backe ^dore¬ to satisfie my selfe, at the whiche the boye hathe come owte all in a swete, and I have gone in and fownd the beast in the same plight, but to make it more apparant, my Lord harrye sawe more, and the boye confest it vnto southewell, and him selfe confirmid it to Mr William Cornewallis,(117) thus muche for profe of his Sodomye who is a best [=beast] stayned with all impudicitie. |

[4] ffowrthelie, will I trewlie hitt him, with his detestable practices of hireid murthers, of whiche, some hathe bin attemptid, one executid and divers intendid. and thoughe it be longe since, it may not be forgotten, how denny attemptid the killinge of font,(118) and showteinge [=shooting] at him, from a rest [=stand], with his calliver, strake his hatt, from his hed, and I wold be as lothe to omitt, the killinge of Sanckie, (beinge sometime a speciall favorite to this Monster) by his servant wekes, who at the gallous confessid to the Minister, that he was procureid to this villonye by commawndment of his Monsterous Master who gave him a hundrid powndes in gold after the murder committid to shifte him a waye, and so muche was fownd abowte [+him] when he was appr<e>hendid.(119) but leveinge this¬ thoughe it were not impertinent I will go mor<e> nere him, in my none [=mine own] knoledge, for his intendid murthers against divers [+persons], at what time the quarell fell owte betwene, this Monsterous villayne, and Mr Sidneye, he imployes Rawlie and my selfe, with a message, to this effect, that the question myght be honorablie endid Mr Sidnie acceptid gladlie therof, and desireid muche it might not be deferrid, whiche when he hard, never meaninge any thinge lesse as after it appereid, told vs playnelie he was not to hazard him selfe haveinge receaveid suche an iniurie, and therfore he had a nother cowrse, and that was to have him murtherid in his logeing<e> the manner howe, he wold have done it, and what wordes I gave him and howe I withstode it, lett my Lord harrye, who dothe verye honorablie and rawlie as honestlie report,(120) with whome he delt in as vile a practice against the Earell of Lester, and that will rawlie avowe vppon him, whose testemonye will serve, and I want it, in other matters as fowle as this,(121) a nother Murther he intendid against Mr Cheke and wold have put it in execution, yf I had not told him I wold bewray<e> him and so stayd him from this villonye, and the manner how it shuld have bin donne I have declareid to Mr Vicechamberlaine,(122) and not longe since as my Cosine Arthur Gorge well knowes (by the discoverye of a gentillman that serves this Monster ^and wold not consent to suche a villonie¬(123) he had warninge geven him to loke to him selfe, and howe it was intendid he shuld be murtherid on richemon grene, goinge home to his lodgeinge at twelve a clocke at night, and [last one] a nother¬ Ientillman of his, reveleid it to me with whome likewise he delte in the matter, and this ientillman [to him selfe] refuseinge to be commaundid bye him to so fowle a facte, was shakeen of(124) and for no other cause Lastlie yf him selfe lie not, he hathe practisid with a man of his ^one [=own]¬ that nowe serves in Ireland to kill Rawlie when ever he goes to any skirmishe and this he tearmes a brave vendetta,(125) and of this ^intent of his¬ I have advertisid Rawlie. |

[5] ffiftlie to shewe, that the worell [=world] never browght forthe suche a villonous Monster, and ^for a partinge blow¬ to geve him his full payment, I will prove against, him, his most horrible and detestable blasphemy in deniall of the devinitie of Christ, owre Saviour, and terminge the Trinitie as a fable. this hard my Lord Winsor, my Lord harrye, Rawlie, Sowthewell, and my selfe, and that Iosephe was a wittold, and the blessid virgin a hore, my Lord harrye Rawlie and my selfe were present when he spoke these wordes and Mr Harrye Noell will saye that Rawlie told it him,(126) to conclud<e> he is a best [=beast] in all respectes, and in him no vertue to be fownd and no vice wantinge, whiche thinges for a time have bin dissemblid, but longe time may not be sufferid.

4.4 Ten-point libel, annotated by another hand (Howard's?) represented here in boldface type.

PRO SP12/151[/49], ff. 109-9v (single sheet, 318mm x 205mm; undated)

1 Vnreverent spechees of her Maiestie at all times in derogation of her vertues his raylinge when he kepte his chamber at Grenwidge(127) and beinge warned to forbeare, he sayd ere it were loonge he wold over(128) and send her a nother kind of writinge.

2 his proferinge me all frend shipp to diswade my Lord harrye from writeinge a treatise in the Qwenes commendacion(129) [at Grennidge in his chamber] [and that he had ^cut¬ his throte with all the catholikes for writing against Sanders for he dealt with many beyond] the seas at grennidge in his chamber.

LM: and that by writing against Dr Saunders he had cutte his owne throte with all the catholickes beyond sea(130)

3 Better defence for bawderye in the scripture then in Aretino,(131) at Westminster.

4 That he had detectyd Shellie(132) at rome to the [fugetives] fugitiues¬ for geveinge intelligence to my Lord Treasorer at hampton cort, Grenidge, everye where.

5 Daylie defendinge amonge vs all that ther was no marriage good in the Qwenes, and when my Lord harrye obiected the allowance of the marriges in Kinge Edwards tyme [+and] by Quene marye he sayd she was a folishe Qwene and a frayde and that made it not the better. at Westminster, Grenewidge every where.

6 Raylinge at my Lord of norfolke(133) for his comminge at the Quenes commawndment contrarye to his cownesayle as he sayd, ^in a letter he wrote him.¬ at the horse head in chepe,(134) richemond everye wher

7 his intent to kill my Lord of Lester, first at his landing at the privie steres from which I [ledd] [LM: ledde him] and after wardes layinge in wayte for him with a barge redye as he shuld pas over the water from Grenwidge to wansteade from whiche my Lord harrye drave him in revealinge his one [danger] daunger.(135) |

8 All the Catholikes good Ave marye Cockescome<s> bycause they wold not drawe ther swordes agains<t> the Qwene, in his parler at broade strete.(136) & other placs

9 Howe he loveid no man but doctor Sanders and that he shuld be his docter, for he was iust [=just, exactly] of his humor, and as he had writen, raylde,(137) and executeid, so he wantyd no will to do as muche at richemond, at hampton corte and at ever [=every] other plac<e>

10 His commendacion of my Lord of Baltingglas for a letter that he wrote to the Earell of Ormond the copie wherof he had sene as he told me and fownd therin many thinges to please him but this above the rest (these are the wordes) howe he cold not but wonder, by what claime or cullo<r> her Maiestie cold challenge that authorite, that Crist never gave to his one [=own] Mother, that this was the best argument that ever he hard [=heard] but he knewe it well it came from his doctor.(138)

[11] His buggery with thom Cook his boye orache(139) the etalyon boy¬ and other of his pagis as he could proue &c.

1. The chamber of Elizabeth's maids of honor at Whitehall (compare 4.2/5.4).

2. Anne Vavasor, a distant cousin of Charles Arundel.

3. I.e., pledge of secrecy.

4. Evidently Anne Vavasor.

5. L changed from LL, i.e., from plural to singular.

6. Richard Stevens (see 4.2/2.13 and accompanying note).

7. The racking and confession of Stevens is almost certainly a fiction.

8. Here Francis Southwell is said to be the first to have confessed: perhaps this was on Christmas day (compare 2.3.2@126).

9. Oxford's smuggling operations are known from other sources.

10. Mendoza.

11. wh written over he.

12. I.e., accuse, inform against (OED appeach sb.4); the claim seems to be that Oxford received his pardon in exchange for informing on Henry Howard.

13. Written over boy. Power was Oxford's page/cook.

14. I.e., to members of the Privy Council. I have not been able to trace Arundel's letter to Oxford.

15. Evidently Thomas Bryncknell, killed by Oxford in 1567.

16. Probably the priest Richard Stevens (see 4.2/2.13).

17. Traditional prize for the best lie (OED sb. 2.b; see also 4.3/1.3@110).

18. Heading, not in original, is supplied to conform to headings below. Concerning atheism, see also 3.1/1; 3.5/1; 4.3/5; 4.4/3.

19. Probably Frederick Windsor, William Russell, and Walter Ralegh.

20. Probably "mere" rather than "dull-witted".

21. See also 3.1/1; 4.4/3.

22. See also 3.1/3@38.

23. Thomas Beningfield (see also 3.1/3@40; 4.3@101).

24. Alternatively, Bouwel, about 15 miles E.S.E. of Antwerp, and separated from it by four rivers.

25. Either Henry Howard or Charles Lord Howard of Effingham (see preceding item). On the governorship of Milan, see also 3.1/3@42.

26. Henry Burgh was no longer alive in 1580: see 4.2/4.1.

27. Don John of Austria (see also 3.1/3@43; 4.3/1.2-3).

28. Giovanni Morone, 1509-80 (EB).

29. See also 3.1/3@44.

30. Mirandola, approximately 60 miles S.W. of Venice (see also 3.1/3@45).

31. Marguerite de Valois (see also 3.1@46).

32. For this item and the next two, see 3.1/3@47.

33. Oxford's stepfather, d. 1570 (see also 3.1/4@50).

34. Sir George Howard, master of the armoury (see also 3.2/3@49).

35. Probably Robert Parsons of the Chapel Royal, d. 1570 (see also 3.1/3@52).

36. The priest Richard Stevens: see also 2.1.4-5/21; 2.1.5/1; 3.1/3@51; 4.1.1; 4.2/9.8.

37. William Malim, headmaster of St Paul's from Christmas 1573 (see also 3.1/3@48).

38. I.e., sexual liasons with.

39. Those under suspicion included Elizabeth (see also 3.1/3@39; 3.2, headnote).

40. Not a new category, but a continuation of the section, "Ordenarye vse to lie".

41. Since none of the principals is known to have been out of England at the time, the meaning may be "one Ingeland", i.e., a person named England.

42. See below, item 5.1.

43. Henry Burgh (or Burrough), son of William Lord Burgh, was killed January 1578 in a duel with one Holcroft (see also 3.1/4@59).

44. This name is virtually illegible; I have picked a name from Herbert Berry (1991), p. 30, fols. 9v, 10, 40, which could be claimed to match. I apologize to David Locher if my guess is wrong.

45. To "lay" in this sense is to set an ambush (see Nicholl, p. 241: "layen for"). Possibly, however, the text reads att the towre. See also 3.1/4@62.

46. Evidently ?William Weekes killed Sankie in July 1577, and was subsequently hanged for the crime (see also 3.1/4@61; 4.3/4@119).

47. John or Jack Wotton and George Baker (see also 3.1/4@65).

48. See also 3.1/4@57.

49. Evidently Henry Howard (see also 3.1/4@56).

50. Gerald Fitzgerald, called Lord Garrett, died June 1580. This Lord Windsor was probably Frederick Windsor, Oxford's nephew.

51. Philip Howard (see also 3.1/4@66; and 4.2/8.6).

52. This incident probably occurred shortly after the return of William Stanley earl of Worcester from Paris 27 February 1579 (see also 3.1/4@54).

53. In July 1567, at the age of seventeen, Oxford killed Thomas Bryncknell (see also 3.1/4@53). Domitian: the notoriously cruel Roman emperor, A.D. 51-96 (OCD).

54. The wife in question was probably Lettice Knollys (see also 1.1/8). For the highly complex Leicester incidents here and in article 3, see also 3.1/4@55; 3.5.1/2@124,126; 3.7@162; 4.2/3; 4.3/4@121; 4.4/7.

55. Christopher Hatton: see 4.3/4@122.

56. I.e., mouth of the river Thames, probably with the idea of escaping to the Continent. Concerning this incident, which seems to have occurred at Westminster, see also 3.1/4@63; 3.5.1/2@127.

57. See below, item 8.3, where Arundel again offers himself as a witness.

58. A recognized river-landing at Whitehall (see article 5.1 immediately above and accompanying note).

59. Anne Vavasor (compare 4.1.1).

60. See also 3.1/4@68; 3.5.1/2@127; 4.3/4@120.

61. I.e., Gerard and (Edward) Wingfield: see also 3.1/4@71; 4.3/4@123. The court was at Richmond 18 September to 1 December 1580 (APC, xii), and Gorges residence there may have been only temporary.

62. See also 3.1/4@69; 4.3/4@123.

63. This incident occurred 17 March 1580: APC, xi, 421, 429. See also 3.1/4@70.

64. Compare Oxford's accusations against Leicester in 1.1/1; also threat to Lord Windsor, 3.1/4@78.

65. Error for Julio? see 1.1/6.

66. On Oxford's reputed pederasty, see also 3.5.1/3; 3.5.2@149; 4.3/3; 4.4/11.

67. See also 3.5.1/3@145; 4.3/3@117.

68. The cook is evidently Thomas Power, Oxford's page; Baker is George Baker, Oxford's surgeon; see also 3.5.1/3@143; 4.1.1@13. The court was at Hampton Court 21 December 1577 to 23 February 1578 (APC, xi, 118-74).

69. Ralph Hopton, second youngest son of Owyn Hopton, lieutenant of the Tower (see also 3.5.1/3@141).

70. Henry MacWilliams, Oxford's page (see also 3.5.1/3@142).

71. Rocco, an Italian first name.

72. The charge seems to be that Oxford made a practice of talking about it.

73. Horatio Cogno (see also 4.4/11).

74. Henry Lok, Oxford's servant; also a poet.

75. "to have experienced sheep"; in effect, "copulation with sheep".

76. I.e., sexual conduct.

77. The "Neapolitan malady" is syphilis (OED).

78. Probably Sir Thomas Hoby; the identity of Lord Henry Seymer is uncertain (see also 2.3.2/5; 3.1/4@74).

79. For this item and the next, see 4.1.1.

80. Nonesuch and Oatlands were royal palaces; the removal occurred between 11 and 15 July 1580 (see also 3.1/4@73).

81. Philip Howard (compare 4.2/4.10; see also 3.1/4@80).

82. See 3.1/2.2@36.

83. In 1562 Oxford had been charged with bastardy by his brother-in-law Lord Windsor (Ward, pp. 7-9); further information occurs in Huntington Library MS HN EL5870 (19 January 1585).

84. See 3.2@91.

85. "Regina Fortunata", now BL Egerton 944 (see also 3.2@93; 4.4/2).

86. See also 4.4/8.

87. See also 3.5.1/2@134; 4.4/6.

88. "at a loss for words". See also 3.1/2.1@4. On Hampton Court, see above, note 68.

89. See also 3.5.1/2@132; 4.4/4.

90. This article must refer to 1576-77. For the priest Stevens, see 4.2/2.13.

91. Mendoza.

92. Possibly Philip Courtois, merchant and spy.

93. Philip Howard, ceremonially installed in January 1581 (see also 4.2/8.6).

94. See also 3.5.1/2@135; 4.4/10-11.

95. James Eustace (see next note).

96. James Eustace vicount Baltinglas of Leinster sent a letter to Thomas Butler earl of Ormonde in June 1580 (see also 3.5.1/2@137; 4.4/10).

97. Ferdinand de Toledo.

98. The three captains named are Bernardino de Mendoza (later Spanish ambassador), Colonel Cristobal de Mondragon, and Sancho d'Avila

99. Probably "valour" - courage; possibly a variant of "vallum" - a defensive curtain-wall (see 3.1/3@41).

100. I.e., Leyden?.

101. See 4.2/2.1.

102. Lord Howard of Effingham (DNB).

103. Younger brother of Philip.

104. Probably (Arthur) Gorge and (George) Gifford.

105. Uncertain: Woods?

106. Henry Noel, a prominent courtier.

107. For the balance of this paragraph, see 4.2/2.3.

108. but written over and.

109. Possibly a folklore reference to a liar.

110. Traditional prize for the best lie (OED sb. 2.b; see also 4.2@17).

111. Possibly periury; hence, either "poverty" or "perjury" in respect to truth-telling.

112. See headnote.

113. A servant, probably Burghley's, possibly Edward Fytton's (CP, ii, 183 [10/4], letter of 3 July 1578); evidently a notorious drunkard.

114. Including Elizabeth? See 3.2, headnote.

115. of raylinge, in left margin.

116. Evidently Power, Oxford's page (see 4.2/6.1).

117. See 4.2/6@67.

118. Denny the Frenchman and William Faunt; incident from May 1573.

119. On this incident, probably from July 1577, see 4.2/4.4.

120. See 4.2/5.5.

121. See 4.2/5.1.

122. Christopher Hatton, Arundel's jailer: see 4.2/5.2.

123. Missing closing parenthesis probably belongs here. I cannot identify the gentleman servant: see 4.2/5.6.

124. I.e., shaken off, dismissed.

125. This word was perhaps not yet anglicized; OED gives 1855 as earliest use in English. I do not know the identity of Oxford's man in Ireland. For more on this incident, see 4.2/5.7.

126. Ralegh himself was currently in Ireland. For more on atheism, see 4.2/1.

127. See 2.3.1/3.

128. I.e., go overseas.

129. "Encomia Elizabethii" or "Regina Fortunata" (see 4.2/9.3).

130. A clear reference to Howard.

131. Pietro Aretine, Italian author and reputed pornographer (see also 3.1/1@3; 4.2/1.5; on atheism, see also 4.2/1).

132. Probably Sir Richard Shelley (see 4.2/9.7).

133. Thomas Howard, executed 1572: see 4.2/9.5.

134. This inn is also named at 3.1/4@62.

135. See 4.2/5.1,3.

136. See 4.2/9.4.

137. r changed from another letter? See 4.2/9.12.

138. I.e., Dr Nicholas Sanders: see 4.2/9.13,15.

139. Horatio Cogno (see 4.2/6.4).