Herbert
Klein
“Popular Mobilization and the State in Bolivia Today”
October
10, 2005 |
|
Professor Herbert
Klein is Professor of History and Director
of the Center for Latin American Studies at Stanford
University. |
Bolivia:
Rebellion From Within
By
Michael Shanks
In
June 2005, popular protests cut off access to La Paz , the
capital city of Bolivia. Governmental offices were besieged,
gas and food were in short supply, prices rose and nerves
frayed. Mobilizations disrupted economic activities in other
areas of the country as well. Bolivia ’s second president
in three years, Carlos D. Mesa Gisbert, resigned. Mesa found
the nation ungovernable as communities rallied around the
leaders of relatively new political parties and sought the
re-nationalization of petroleum-based industries, among other
goals. As the U.S. Department of State pulled nonessential
personnel and the specter of civil war was raised, the media
sought explanations that lacked historical context. Western,
and particularly U.S., media rarely cover Bolivia , but
photogenic protestors combined with the tension of the moment
to attract news coverage. The media frequently searched beyond
Bolivia ’s borders for
the reason behind the uprising. Cuba ’s Fidel Castro,
Venezuela’s President Hugo Chávez and Colombian
drug cartels were all speculated to be the foreign instigators
of the upheaval.
Stanford
professor Herbert Klein, a preeminent scholar of Bolivian
history, addressed that misperception and outlined the internal
historical factors that led to development of powerful social
movements in Bolivia . Those factors included the historical
prominence of trade unions, the public’s
experience under neoliberal economic policies, governmental
decentralization and improved educational opportunities. The
key player in Klein’s analysis was the Bolivian folk,
and particularly cholos, who have indigenous roots
but are articulate in Western culture. They speak Spanish,
in addition to Quechua, yet still embrace Indian culture and
wear traditional clothing. Klein argued that the emergence
of the cholos, and their successful popular mobilizations,
have a novel character which is distinct in the history of
Latin America . Other repressed groups have been able to incorporate
themselves into the dominant culture. However, it has often
been through a process of assimilation. Cholos seek inclusion
and participation but on terms that integrate and respect their
traditional indigenous identities. (note)
About
62 percent of Bolivia ’s 9 million citizens self-identify
as indigenous. Colonial and post-colonial elites have historically
valued them only for their labor and tax revenue. Their role
in the economy was generally limited to agriculture and mining.
The patron-client relationship between the native people and
the oligarchic white elites — and therefore the state — was
not in the long-term best interest of the majority of the people.
No investment was made in their future, and resources from
their mother country bled abroad. They were disenfranchised,
dependent and exploited but not complacent. Klein made it clear
that cholos in Bolivia today are aware and proud of their history
of collective resistance to dominant regimes.
The
culmination of Indian resistance to that exploitative past
was the Revolution of 1952, led by Victor Paz Estenssoro
and the Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario (National Revolutionary
Movement or MNR). It was one of a handful of true peasant
revolutions in Latin American history. Its methods were characterized
by the participation and direction of indigenous people,
who were the beneficiaries of the organizational strengths
of syndicalism. Their goals included: universal suffrage,
educational improvements, land reform, the capture of the
state and the creation of state-run industries. The revolution
ended the reign of the rural white elites and marked the
beginning of the emergent cholo middle class. From communications
and airlines to mineral and energy industries, multiple nationalized
companies were created in the wake of the Revolution. At
times, Bolivia ’s government
employed more than 50 percent of the population.
The reforms of the Revolution transcended a series of subsequent
military regimes from the late 1960s to the early 1980s. They
were led by an eclectic mix of dictators. Some had socialist
leanings; others were right-wing and conservative. Many relied
upon violent repression to quell dissent. However, syndicalism
and solidarity amongst cholos were in some ways solidified
in reaction to such repression.
Democracy
returned to Bolivia in the early 1980s. In 1985 Victor Paz
Estenssoro became president again. The rebellious leader
of 1952 brought about a series of policies which contradicted
the original revolutionary designs of the MNR. Under the
direction of the U.S. government, Estenssoro immediately
began a process of structural adjustment. The orthodox shock
called for the privatization of companies owned by the state,
liberalization of the economy and cuts to government spending.
The principal goal was to reduce the hyper-inflation crippling
Bolivia ’s
economy. Monetary inflation rates were in the thousands. The
structural adjustment policies succeeded in bringing inflation
down to a manageable rate but also threw unprepared industries
and workers into the free market and reduced the traditional
social service role of the state. Cholos were, and continue
to be, disgruntled with the structural adjustment. They believe
that the policies benefited primarily the white elites and
failed to adequately promote economic growth.
In
a 1995 compromise designed to ease the effects of structural
adjustment, former President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada
and the MNR oversaw the implementation of the Popular Participation
Law which included provisions for the decentralization of the
government. Where only 24 municipalities existed before, 327
were created by the law, and the state remitted 60 percent
of tax revenues to them. At the same time, constitutional reforms
opened the door for new political entities to emerge. Traditional
parties such as the MNR believed that they would campaign and
compete effectively in the local elections. However, they found
themselves confronted with local cholo adversaries who were
better able to identify and connect with the people. One of
the many parties that emerged as a result of the reforms was
the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement Toward Socialism or
MAS), led by Evo Morales, a cholo leader and president of the
coca growers’ union. He is currently a senator with presidential
aspirations. If he manages to win the presidency, he will be
the first cholo to do so. His leadership has been crucial to
the efficacy of popular mobilizations.
Klein cited educational opportunities as another of the reasons
for the emergence of cholos as a political force. Bolivia has
made dramatic improvements in public education during the past
60 years, increasing access to education and improving literacy
rates. This is particularly impressive given that Bolivia is
the second poorest country in Latin American. Klein noted that
the majority of graduates from public universities are now
from the cholo class.
The
economic and political development of Bolivia since 1999
has been increasingly impacted by cholo mobilizations. Popular
protests in the city of Cochabamba in 2000 obligated the
government to renege on an international contract to privatize
the city’s
water system. In February 2003, just seven months into Gonzalo
Sánchez de Lozada’s second presidency, cholo protestors
objected to his energy policies and set government buildings
aflame. In October 2003, mobilizations by cholos brought tens
of thousands of people to the streets of La Paz . De Lozada
was forced to resign and fled the country after violent clashes
between protestors and the military resulted in several dozen
deaths. Finally, the resignation of his successor, President
Carlos Mesa, in June 2005 was the most recent example of the
power of cholo popular movements to influence, if not dictate,
the national agenda.
|
In
his talk, Professor Klein dealt with the origins
of mass political participation in Bolivia, in particular
the protests and mobilizations that have contributed
to the downfall of several recent presidents.
|
Like
his predecessor De Lozada, Mesa was a victim of dissatisfaction
with the nation’s energy
policies. Nationalization is a central demand of the cholos.
Under the rallying cry el
gas es nuestro (the gas is ours), they have demanded state
control of oil revenue and cholo participation in the administration
of energy industries. However, Klein stressed that there are
multiple cholo demands, and they are not always well articulated.
Cholo platforms identified by Klein included: political participation,
ethnic quotas, direct representation, ending of coca eradication,
vague calls for a socialist government, ending the Washington
Consensus and rejecting structural adjustment policies.
Mesa ’s
departure left a power vacuum that has yet to be filled.
An already deficient economy was battered by the disruptions
caused by the protests. The future direction of the country
rests immediately with the elections scheduled for December
18, 2005 . There are a myriad of issues and challenges to
be faced, and Klein was reluctant to speculate on the future.
Whatever political formulation results, poverty reduction
must be a governmental priority if Bolivia is going to enjoy
stability.
One encouraging indication might lie in an image eloquently
described by Klein that reflects the possibility of a fusion
of cultures. As he walked by the main public university on
a recent visit to La Paz , Klein noticed a chola dressed in
traditional billowing skirts and long shawls with a bowler
hat and braided hair. She was headed into the university with
a laptop computer and books in tow. In the past, he noted,
cholas would have only been found outside the gates selling
food. Klein remarked that he was the only one paying any mind
to this. It seemed to be a common occurrence for the people
of La Paz . Perhaps this is a sign of a hope for the future.
What can be said for certain is that cholo political parties
and popular mobilizations are not a flash in the pan sparked
by foreign meddling and external instigation. They will continue
to demand an influential role in the development and administration
of Bolivia on terms that reflect and revere their cultural
heritage and not solely the values of the dominant white elites.
Herbert
Klein is a Professor of History and Director of the Center
for Latin American Studies at Stanford University . He
is also a Research Fellow at the Hoover Institution. He
spoke at CLAS on October 10.
Michael Shanks is a graduate student in the Latin American
Studies program.
One should be aware
that the term cholo in Bolivia can have a very derogatory meaning,
which is not the neutral definition used by Klein and other
academics. Especially when spoken to men, cholo can
be insulting and insinuates that someone is a “sell-out” and
denies their indigenous roots. Such an interpretation according
to Klein is linked to its traditional and hostile use by elites
against native Bolivians. For whatever reason, the feminine
version of the word, chola, is often a term of pride
in urban areas of Bolivia with a definition similar to Klein’s:
an indigenous woman who wears traditional clothing, but is
also urbanized and business savvy.
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Professor
Klein speaks with an audience member after the event.
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