Despite the longstanding presence of Mexico’s
citizens in the United States, the two countries have
only recently
begun to accept mutual responsibility for their well-being.
One of the most telling examples of this shift has been
the acceptance of the Mexican consular ID as a form of
formal identification .
The process that culminated in this acceptance was remarkable
for two reasons. First, it represented a decisive change
in the way the Mexican government viewed its citizens abroad.
The Mexican government realized that it can no longer ignore
these migrants, and has started to acknowledge them as
assets to the nation. As a result, the Mexican authorities
have stopped regarding migrants with disdain and have begun
to offer real structural responses to support their lives
abroad.
Second, the impetus to accept the matrícula consular
came from local government officials in the U.S. Law
enforcement authorities in particular came to recognize
the enormous
utility a form of identification has for the members
of the community they police. Despite a significant public
backlash, the consular ID has helped undocumented immigrants
to better integrate themselves into the society in which
they work and live. It has allowed undocumented migrants
to open bank accounts in participating financial institutions
such as Wells Fargo, and has facilitated the sending
of
remittances back to Mexico.
However, acceptance of the consular ID came as a result
of the agency of specific actors, and despite opposition
from anti-immigrant and conservative forces. The first
city to accept the consular ID was San Francisco following
much hard work by Georgina Lagos, the Mexican Consul General
there from 2001 to 2004. In her CLAS talk, Lagos described
this aspect of her tenure as a part of a greater effort
by the Mexican government to reform the way it deals with
its citizens living abroad and to shift its position in
the international arena.
Lagos described a broader change in Mexico during the
last decade and since the election of Vicente Fox as
president. Mexico’s increased participation on the international
stage has included a temporary seat on the UN Security
Council, and Mexico’s subsequent opposition to
the invasion of Iraq. In addition, Mexico has resumed
a leadership
role within Latin America, serving as a bridge to the
U.S., Lagos argued. Mexico has also increasingly opened
up economically.
It currently has 26 free trade agreements, making it
the country with the most bilateral economic treaties.
Lagos identified three of the most important aspects
of the U.S.–Mexico relationship. Since Sept. 11, security
has been a significant concern for Washington, including
the fight against the drug trade. Meanwhile, a movement
has begun to build a “North American community,” which
although still in the conceptual stages, will hopefully,
according to Lagos, come to oversee “the free movement
of capital, goods, services and individuals.” Thirdly,
Mexico and the U.S. have resumed the dialogue, interrupted
by 9-11, to include the migration of Mexicans to the United
States as a part of the official agenda, on the grounds
of a “shared responsibility.”
Yet migration is an incredibly complex issue. The countries
have thus divided the issue into five separate areas: 1)
the regularization of undocumented individuals living in
the U.S.; 2) the increase in legal permanent resident visas
granted to Mexicans; 3) the establishment of a guestworker
program; 4) border safety; 5) the promotion of economic
development, particularly in intensive migrant-sending
regions. There is also a plurality of stakeholders who
stand to benefit from such a migration agreement. They
include law-abiding undocumented migrants in the U.S. who
could make claims on legal rights without fear of deportation,
future immigrants, who would benefit from full protection
under the law, the two federal governments which would
be able to target traffickers more easily, U.S. employers
who would be able to hire migrants without fear of legal
repercussions or competition from other employers who hire
undocumented workers.
The Mexican consulate has played a major role in fostering
this debate. The Mexican consular network is the largest
in the world, with 45 offices in the United States alone.
The main objective of the consulates is to protect the
rights of Mexican citizens. One of the concrete manifestations
of this concern was Fox’s creation of a presidential
committee for expatriate Mexicans, chaired by the president
and involving nine ministries. Their focus includes policy
efforts that will ameliorate pressures to migrate, as well
as the economic development of Mexico. In early 2003, a
consultative council was created incorporating various
parties in the debate. The majority of the council’s
152 members are community members. There are also state
representatives, prominent professionals and academics
and delegates from ten of the major Latino organizations
in the U.S.
With an estimated one-sixth of Mexican citizenry residing
in the United States, the Mexican government has also begun
to institutionalize channels through which Mexican migrants
can influence policy-making in Mexico. In 1998, the Mexican
government legally recognized dual citizenship, thus paving
the way for current efforts to facilitate absentee voting
for these migrants.
As Mexico enters this new era of awareness of the needs
of migrants and their position in the global economy,
it remains to be proven whether international trade practices
will achieve the comprehensive economic development that
the country seeks. A decade after the implementation
of
NAFTA, one lesson of the treaty may be that free trade
will not provide Mexico with the internal economic development
needed to reduce the “push” factors for migrants
heading north. The recent efforts by the Mexican government
to bring structural and institutional responses more in
line with the needs of Mexican migrants has opened the
door to what will hopefully result in greater advocacy
on their behalf in future migration agreements, as well
as in their well-being at home — regardless of
what side of the border they choose to live in.
Georgina Lagos was the first woman to serve as Consul
General of Mexico in San Francisco (2001-04). She spoke
at CLAS on April 20.
Shannon Gleeson is a graduate student in the Department
of Sociology.